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Acche Din Are Here Again!

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- Subhash Gatade
..Government is set to defer indefinitely the implementation of notification for increasing the size of pictorial warning on tobacco products beyond April one, when it was to come into force. ..The notification regarding amendment to the Cigarettes and Other Tobacco Products (Packaging and Labelling) Rules, 2008 sought increase in the size of specified health warning from the current 40 per cent to 85 per cent of the principal display area of the package of tobacco products. [zeenews report]
The week gone by has brought back smiles on the face of Tobacco Corporates.

Thanks to the latest U turn by the Modi government, Acche Din would continue unabated for them. The non-transparent manner in which the decision was taken and the media was kept in the dark has raised further eyebrows. It was only on the evening of 24 th March that while talking to the media, the health minister J P Nadda had assured them that there is no rethink in the government on introducing pictorial warnings covering 85 per cent of packaging for tobacco products from April 1 and within few hours of this interaction he left for Beijing.

Definitely Nadda must have found time within that limited period to sign the order deferring the notification or as some journalists believe he had already signed it and was just pretending to avoid some inconvenient moments. It need be added that the said notification was brought in last October, when Nadda’s predecessor Harsh Vardhan – another RSS Swayamsevak – was handling the department. It was declared at that time that it would be effective by 1 st April. Not very many people could have the premonition that the government is not keen about it and would reverse the decision at an opportune moment.

It is worth emphasising that India was not the only country from South Asia, which had taken a decision about it. Pakistan as well as Nepal both had similarly taken some concrete steps in that direction. Welcoming their decision the ‘World Conference on Tobacco or Health‘ had even urged all the three to ‘stand firm against the tobacco industry pressure’. It had also suggested to them that to effectively reduce tobacco consumption and improve public health it can raise tobacco excise taxes which would make tobacco less affordable and can also generate additional revenue for government which can be utilised for healthcare.

If India would have gone ahead with its decision, then it would have been the first country in the world which had so much space allocated for the pictorial warnings. Now that is passe because of some ‘unexplained reasons’. Coming to pictorial health warnings on tobacco products there are enough studies available which vindicate that it makes the product less attractive and target smokers or users of tobacco products by providing them with information on tobacco-related health risks. Discussing reasons to introduce pictorial warnings on tobacco products ECL which is an Association of European Cancer Leagues makes few things clear. They are:
1) Eye-catching: this is in line with the saying that “a picture paints a thousand words” and the general belief that an image can often be more powerful than words on a page.
2) Informative: research in four countries showed that in Canada, where pictorial warnings include information about the risks of impotence, smokers were almost three times more likely to agree that smoking causes impotence compared to smokers from the US, UK and Australia.
3) Additional motivation for smokers who want to stop smoking: 44% of smokers in Canada said the pictorial warnings increased their motivation to quit smoking.
4) Less attractive for youngsters: 48% of Belgian smokers aged 15 to 17 think the new warnings make the packaging look less attractive.
                                                                   - European Cancer League
As things stand Nepal would be the only country from this part of South Asia which would go ahead with this decision. Like in many other such steps – which have been hailed by majority of countries, around which there is even a global consensus- India has decided to opt out this time again. Few months back (September 2014) India was one of the few countries which had abstained from a historic vote on violence and discrimination against sexual minorities. Not some time ago it had taken similar embarassing stance when it had supported Russian resolution which had opposed extending benefits available to spouses of UN employees to same sex couples under the specious plea of sovereignty. It had voted alongside Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and China.

Interestingly in the hullaballoo around internal bickering of AAP and the media saturation accompanying it, this reversal of its own decision by the Modi government has largely gone unnoticed.

Now to save face it is being said that the health ministry was receiving many representations asking for the decision to be reconsidered and it wanted time to brood over these observations. Perhaps the biggest stumbling block to the implementation of the notification was the Chairman of the Committee of Subordinate Legislations, which is effectively a panel of M P s only. The BJP M.P from Ahmadnagar Dilip Gandhi, who happens to be the Chairman had raised questions over the validity of studies done in ‘foreign’ countries to study the ill effects of tobacco and who is of the firm opinion that ‘Indian exceptionalism extends to our biology‘.

Perhaps it would be opportune here to share his ‘pearls of wisdom’ which he had shared with the media ( Indian Express, 24 th March, Examine tobacco effects on Indians, says House Panel’):
““There are no studies in our own country that have examined the health effects of tobacco. Whether at all it actually causes cancer or other diseases is subject to a study in the country. That has never happened and the basis of our stance towards tobacco products is basically studies that have happened in a foreign setting. We have recommended that a medical board or at least an expert committee comprising doctors, scientists et al should first do a study in India before we go ahead with such decisions.”
The irony of the situation is that neither he knew or nor perhaps wanted to enquire that there are enough national- international level studies which had firmly established the relationship between tobacco and cancer. It was mid-fifties or early sixties when the tobacco corporates had raised this debate that tobacco is not harmful to health and a path breaking report’ by US Surgeon General Luther Terry had finally established a correlation between them.

Coming to studies done in India an editorial in Indian Express tells us the:
‘[2]008 study published in the prestigious New England Journal of Medical Research used a nationally representative sample to find that smoking causes a large and growing number of premature deaths in India.’
This study was supported by a government body called ‘Office of the Registrar General’. It also provided details of another study whose results were published earlier this year done by Indian researchers based in India wherein it discovered ‘statistically significant excess risks among tobacco chewers for respiratory tuberculosis, stroke and cancer, compared to never-tobacco chewers.'( Indian Express editorial "Anti Science Absurd")
India happens to be a country where 27.5 crore people consume tobacco in one or the other form and according to one set of studies we witness 8 lakh deaths every year. Coming to the world by the year 2030, there would be 10 million deaths annually which would be tobacco related.

With its decision in October 2014, India had finally decided to join the growing consensus between many countries to have pictorial warnings which are not only an effective way of communicating the consequences of tobacco use but also act as catalyst to bring about behavioural change so that one quits usage of tobacco products or at least reduces its consumption.

If it would have been implemented, sooner or later it was going to have an impact on sale of tobacco products and would have definitely impacted on the profits of the corporates and big moneybags who are earning billions of Rs at the cost of health of people.

It was a step which was definitely not liked by the Corporates and all those moneybags who had provided overwhelming support to the BJP and its PM candidate during election campaign last year.

With this U Turn they must be smiling.

Acche Din are here again.

शाह अब्दुल्ला, मेक्सिको की खाड़ी के परिंदे और सऊदी अरब की औरतें

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- जावेद अनीस

Wajeha al-Huwaider demands the right to drive
वहाबीवाद का पोषक सऊदी अरब विश्व का सबसे मह्त्वपूर्ण और प्रभावी मुस्लिम देश है, यहाँ सऊद द्वारा 1750 में एक इस्लामी राजतंत्र की स्थापना की गई थी। सऊदी अरब विश्व के अग्रणी तेल निर्यातक देशों में शामिल है। यहाँ गठित होने वाली घटनाओं पर दुनिया की नजर बनी रहती है। सऊदी अरब के बादशाह शाह अब्दुल्लाह बिन अब्दुल अजीज अल सऊद का शुक्रवार को 90 वर्ष की अवस्था में निधन हो गया। अबदुल्ला की जगह अब उनके सौतेले भाई 79-वर्षीय सलमान सउदी अरब के नए शासक होंगें। शाह अब्दुल्ला की मौत के बाद उन्हें ‘मॉडर्न'सऊदी का जनक बताया जा रहा है, उनके तारीफ में कसीदे गढ़े जा रहे हैं, कहा जा रहा है कि उन्होंने महत्वपूर्ण राजनीतिक सुधारों के जरिये सऊदी अरब को आधुनिक बनाने की कोशिश की और अल कायदा के खिलाफ युद्ध में अमेरिका का साथ देते हुए जिहादी आतंक के खिलाफ अपना सहयोग दिया।

दरअसल सऊदी अरब एक बंद और तानाशाही की जकड़बंदी झेल रहा मुल्क है, यहाँ आधुनिक दुनिया के विचारों और लोकतांत्रिक, समतावादी सोच पर पाबन्दी है और जहाँ किसी भी तरह के असहमती की सजा मौत है, यहाँ सजायें भी मध्युगीन तौर-तरीकों से ही अंजाम दिए जाते हैं। वर्ष 1926 से शाह अब्दुल्लाह और उनके खानदान के लोग इस मुल्क पर तानाशाही के तौर हुकूमत कर रहे हैं जो अपने सत्ता को कायम रखने के लिए किसी भी तरह की विपरीत आवाजों को बेहरहमी से कुचलते रहे है। लोकतंत्र की एक सामान्य सी व्यवस्था के लिए उठी मांग को तुरंत घोटने में कोई कोताही नहीं बरती गयी। इस काम में इस्लाम की ओंट का भी बखूबी इस्तेमाल किया गया है। सऊदी अरब को मानवाधिकारों के उल्लंघन खासकर मौत की सजा और महिलाओं के साथ भेदभाव को लेकर अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर लगातार कड़ी आलोचना झेलनी पड़ी है। कुल मिलकर सऊदी अरब में दमन का स्तर असाधारण और इसके तरीके पूर्व आधुनिक है।

ह्यूमन राइट्स वाच के अनुसार साल 2014 के दौरान सऊदी सरकार द्वारा जिन 87 लोगों को मौत की सजा दी गई उनमें से ज्यादातर का सिर कलम किया गया था, और सवाल उठने पर अब्दुल्ला सरकार ने इसे शरीयत कानून के अनुसार की गई कार्रवाई बताते हुए जायज ठहराया था। पिछले साल अब्दुल्ला सरकार का एक शाही आदेश भी खूब चर्चित हुआ था जिसमें नास्तिकता को आतंकवाद की श्रेणी में रखते हुए इसका दोषी पाए जाने पर बीस साल तक की सजा और जुर्माने का प्रावधान किया गया था।

इसी तरह पिछले दिनों सऊदी अरब के ब्लॉगर रैफ़ बदावी को सार्वजनिक तौर पर दूसरी बार कोड़े लगाने की सज़ा को लेकर भी काफी हंगामा हुआ था। रैफी को सिर्फ एक ऑनलाइन फोरम चलाने पर इस्लाम के अपमान का दोषी बता दिया गया। इसके सजा के तौर पर उन्हें जून 2012 में गिरफ़्तार किया कर लिया गया था तथा 10 साल क़ैद और 1000 कोड़े मारे जाने की सज़ा दी गई थी। हालांकि पूरी दुनिया में विरोध की आवाजें उठने के बाद और रैफ़ बदावी की खराब सेहत की वजह से बाकी बचे 50 कोड़े रोक दी गई। 

सऊदी अरब सम्भवतः इस धरती पर सर्वाधिक अपारदर्शी और अस्वाभाविक देश है, यहाँ जिंदगी विशेषकर महिलाओं के लिए आसान नहीं है। यह दुनिया का अकेला देश है जहां महिलाओं के गाड़ी चलाने पर पाबंदी है ऐसा करने पर उनकी गिरफ्तारी हो सकती है, रेप जैसे अपराध में आरोपी को सजा तभी मिल सकती है, जब उसके चार चश्मदीद हों। हर महिला का एक पुरुष अभिभावक होना जरूरी है फिर वह चाहे उसका बेटा ही क्यों ना हो, लड़कियों की शादी भी कम उम्र में कर दी जाती है, वहां की शिक्षा व्यवस्था भी लैंगिक भेदवाव का शिकार है। समाज में स्त्रियों के लिए नौकरी का कांसेप्ट स्थापित नहीं हो पाया है।

दूसरी तरह वहां के मर्दों के किस्से पूरी दुनिया में बदनाम है। हिन्दुस्तान के सन्दर्भ में ही बात करें तो हैदराबाद में खाड़ी के मर्दों के घिनोने किस्से भरे पड़े हैं। अंग्रेजी अखबार टाइम्स ऑफ इंडिया में मोहम्मद वाजिहुद्दीन ने 2005 में अपने लेख “One minor girl,many Arabs” में इनके कारनामों को बयान करते हुए लिखा था कि “नई ऊर्जा वाले ये पुराने शिकारी हैं...प्राय: दाढ़ी रखने वाले और लहराते चोंगे के साथ पगड़ी पहनने वाले ये अरब ..हैदराबाद की गलियों में मध्यकाल के हरम में चलने वाले राजाओं की याद दिलाते हैं..जिसे हम इतिहास का हिस्सा मान बैठे हैं। वियाग्रा का सेवन करने वाले ये अरब इस्लामी विवाह के नियम “निकाह ” की आड़ में शर्मनाक अपराध को अंजाम देते हैं.. ये लोग उस परिपाटी का दुरुपयोग करते हैं जिसके द्वारा एक मुस्लिम एक साथ चार पत्नियां रख सकता है.. अनेक बूढ़े अरबवासी न केवल अधिकांश नाबालिग हैदराबादी लड़कियों से विवाह करते हैं, बल्कि एक बार में ही एक से अधिक नाबालिग लड़कियों से विवाह कर डालते हैं। इनकी पहली पसंद टीन एज की कुंवारी लड़कियों होती हैं, ये अरबवासी सामान्यत: इन लड़कियों से थोड़े समय के लिए विवाह करते हैं और कभी–कभी तो केवल एक रात के लिए। विवाह और तलाक की औपचारिकता एक साथ पूरी कर ली जाती है। अरबवासियों का यह सेक्स पर्यटन भारत तक ही सीमित नहीं है दूसरे गरीब़ देशों में भी फैला है। 

2011 के दौरान अरब मुल्कों में तानाशाही के खिलाफ और आजादी, लोकतंत्र के पक्ष में हुए आन्दोलनो का सऊदी अरब मुखर विरोधी रहा है, उसे डर था की कहीं अरब बसंत की हवायें रियाद तक ना पहुँच जायें और वहां भी लोग बदलाव के लिए इस तरह की आवाजें उठाने के लिए खड़े हों जाये, इसीलिए अरब बसंत के बाद किंग अब्दुल्ला ने कुछ कानूनों में सुधार कराने की शुरुआत की। जिसके तहत सऊदी अरब में पहली बार महिलाओं को स्थानीय निकाय चुनावों में वोट डालने का अधिकार दिया गया है, सऊदी अरब जैसे कट्टर समाज में महिला को उनके अधिकार देने की दिशा इन्हें नाकाफी कि माना जायेगा । 

सऊदी अरब इस्लाम के रूढ़िवादी और असहिष्णु वर्जन “वहाबीवाद” का मुख्य पोषक रहा है, शुरआत में ओसामा बिन लादेन को सऊदी व्यवस्था ने ही पाला-पोसा था, इन सब कारनामों के बावजूद किंग अबदुल्ला और उनका खानदान हमेशा से अमेरिका के काफी करीब रहा है, एक अनुमान के मुताबिक सऊदी अरब शाही परिवार की कुल निजी संपत्ति तकरीबन 1.4 ट्रिलियन डॉलर (करीब 86 लाख करोड़ रु) है जी कि भारत की कुल जीडीपी 2 ट्रिलियन डॉलर (123 लाख करोड़ रु) के 70 फीसदी के बराबर मानी काटी है है।

दुनिया में मानवाधिकार के सबसे बड़े दरोगा और मानव-अधिकारों का उल्लंघन करने वाले सबसे बड़े राष्ट्र की इस दोस्ती पर कोई भी हैरान नहीं होता है। क्योंकि सबको पता है कि सऊदी अरब के पास बड़ी तेल संपदा हैं, और उस तक अमरीका की पहुँच में कोई रोक टोक नहीं है। 

दरअसल सऊदी अरब वहाबी चरमपंथियों को समर्थन देने वाला सबसे बड़ा मुल्क है, समय- समय पर सऊदी अरब द्वारा सीरिया, इराक, यमन, लेबनान जैसे मुल्कों में चरमपंथी समूहों को लड़ाई के लिए पैसा और हथियार बांटने के खबरें उजागर होती रही हैं ।अलक़ायदा जैसे संगठन अमरीका और उसके कुछ अरब साथी देशों की ही देन हैं। दरअसल अमेरिका और उसके साथी पश्चिमी मुल्कों की ने हमेशा से ही इस्लामिक दुनिया में बैठे तानाशाहों और गैर कट्टरवादी शक्तियों की सरपरस्ती की है और अपने हितों के खातिर सिलसिलेवार तरीके से एक के बाद एक इराक में सद्दाम हुसैन, इजिप्ट में हुस्नी मुबारक और लीबिया में कर्नल गद्दाफी आदि को उनकी सत्ता से बेदखल किया है, इन हुक्मरानों का आचरण परम्परागत तौर पर सेक्यूलर रहा है। आज यह सभी मुल्क भयानक खून- खराबे और अस्थिरता के दौर से गुजर रहे हैं और अब वहां धार्मिक चरमपंथियों का बोल बाला है । 

सीरिया संकट में तो सऊदी अरब का हस्तक्षेप जगजाहिर है,सऊदी अरब, अमेरिका और उसके साथियों ने राष्ट्रपति बशर अल असद को हटाकर सीरियाई विद्रोहियों की हुकूमत स्थापित करने के पक्ष खुल कर काम किया है, इन्होने सीरिया विद्रोह को आज़ादी के लिए हो रहे लोकतांत्रिक आंदोलन साबित करने तक में कोई कसर नहीं छोड़ी था ।आज हम देखते हैं कि इस्लामिक स्टेट इराक़ और सीरिया के एक बड़े हिस्से पर अपना कब्ज़ा जमा चुका है, उनका मकसद चौदहवी सदी के सामाजिक-राजनीतिक प्रारुप को फिर से लागू करना हैं, जहाँ असहमतियों की कोई जगह नहीं है, उनकी सोच है कि या तो आप उनकी तरह बन जाओ नहीं तो आप का सफाया कर दिया जायेगा। एकांगी इस्लाम में विश्वास करने वाले इस्लामिक स्टेट ने तो सूफी और ग़ैर-सुन्नी मुसलमान को भी पूरी निर्ममता के साथ अपना निशाना बनाया है ,इस्लामिक स्टेट के लोग गुलामीप्रथा के वापसी की वकालत कर रहे हैं जिसमें औरतों कि गुलामी भी शामिल है , इस्लामिक स्टेट की अधिकृत पत्रिका‘”दबिक” में “गुलामी प्रथा की पुनस्र्थापना” नाम से एक लेख छपा था जिसके अनुसार इस्लामिक स्टेट अपनी कार्यवाहियों के दौरान ऐसी प्रथा की पुनस्र्थापना कर रहा है जिसे ‘शरिया में मान्यता प्राप्त है। पत्रिका में बताया गया है कि शरिया के अनुसार ही वे पकड़ी गई महिलाओं और बच्चों का बंटवारा कर रहे हैं । उनका मानना है है कि यह उनका अधिकार है कि वे इन महिलाओं के साथ जैसा चाहे सुलूक करें, वे उन्हें गुलामों की तरह भी रख सकते हैं। 

आईएसआईएस के गठन में सीआईए और मोसाद जैसी खुफिया एजेंसियों की सक्रिय भूमिका की ख़बरें भी आती रही हैं। अमेरिकी खुफिया एजेंसी सीआईए के पूर्व अधिकारी एडवर्ड इस्नोडन ने खुलासा किया है कि इस्लामिक स्टेट का मुखिया अबू बकर अलबगदादी अमेरिका और इसराइल का एजेंट है और उसे इसराइल में प्रशिक्षण प्रदान किया गया। एडवर्ड के अनुसार सीआईए ने ब्रिटेन और इजरायल के खुफिया एजेंसियों के साथ मिल कर इस्लामिक स्टेट जैसा जिहादी संगठन बनाया है जो दुनिया भर के चरमपंथियों को आकर्षित कर सके, इस नीति को 'द हारनीटज़ नीसट'का नाम दिया गया, अमरीका के पुराने इतिहास को देखते हुए एडवर्ड इस्नोडन के इस खुलासे को झुठलाया भी नहीं जा सकता है, आखिरकार यह अमरीका ही तो था जिसने अफ़ग़ानिस्तान में मुजाहिदीनों की मदद की थी, जिससे आगे चल कर अल-क़ायदा का जन्म हुआ था। अमरीका के सहयोगी खाड़ी देशों पर आईएस की मदद करने के आरोप हैं, साथ ही इस संगठन के पास इतने आधुनिक हथियार कहां से आये इसको लेकर भी सवाल है ?

भारत के सन्दर्भ में बात करें तो अगर यहाँ के मुसलमान अभी भी अपने आप को “रेडिकल: होने से बचाये हुए है तो इसका मुख्य कारण यह है कि भारत में इस्लाम का इतिहास करीब हजार साल पुराना है और इस दौरान यहाँ सूफियों का ही वर्चस्व रहा हैं,इस दौरान इस्लाम कि अपनी भारतीय समझ भी फली – फूली है जिसका प्रभाव आज भी इस मुल्क के बहुसंख्यक मुसलमानों पर कायम है, लेकिन अब पिछली चंद घटनायें बताती है कि भारतीय मुसलमान आईएसआईएस, अलकायदा जैसे जिहादी संगठनों और सऊदी अरब पोषित वहाबी इस्लाम के निशाने पर है । इधर भारत में वहाबियत के प्रमुख स्तंभ जाकिर नाईक को "सऊदी अरब मार्का इस्लाम"कि सेवा के लिए वहां की तानाशाह सरकार ने 2015 के King Faisal International Prize (KFIP) से नवाजने का एलान किया है , जाकिर नाईक पिछले कई सालों से भारतीय इस्लाम और मुसलामानों का अरबीकरण करने का काम बखूबी अंजाम दे रहे हैं. उपदेशक डॉ जाकिर नायक और आतंकवाद और स्यूसाइड बोम्बिंग के समर्थन में बयान देकर भी काफी चर्चित रहे हैं ।

चंद सालों पहले सऊदी अरब की विख्यात नारीवादी लेखिका वाजेहा अल-हैदर ने अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति ओबामा के नाम खुला पत्र लिखा था जिसके चंद हिस्सों पर नज़र डालना जरूरी है, ओबामा को संबोधित करते हुए उन्होंने लिखा था कि “माननीय राष्ट्रपति जी, ...मैं मेक्सिको की खाड़ी के पक्षियों को देख रही हूँ जो काले तेल के छीटों से पूरी तरह ढ़ँक गए हैं। इनके दुख के साथ मैं सऊदी औरतों की पीड़ा की समानता देख पा रही हूँ। ये पंछी मुश्किल से हिलडुल पाते हैं, अपने जीवन पर इनका कोई नियंत्रण नहीं होता, वे स्वाधीन रूप से उड़कर ऐसी जगह नहीं जा सकते जहाँ शांति से रह सकें। यही हाल सऊदी औरतों का हैं। मैं उनकी पीड़ा से परिचित हूँ। मैंने पूरे जीवन इसे झेला है....मेक्सिको की खाड़ी की चिड़ियाँ और सऊदी अरब की महिलाएँ समान त्रासद परिस्थितियों से गुजर रहीं हैं, उन्हें अत्यंत ही दुरूह स्थितियों में अपने ही प्राकृतिक,सहज परिवेश में कैद कर दिया गया है। उन्हें मदद की ज़रूरत है ताकि वे पुन: बच सकें,जी सकें। जब आप बादशाह अब्दुल्ला बिन अब्दुल-अज़ीज़ से मिलें कृपया उनकी सहायता करें जिससे कि वे देख सकें कि सऊदी मर्दों के संरक्षण की व्यवस्था का सऊदी महिलाओं पर क्या प्रभाव पड़ा है। बच्चों को अभिभावक चाहिए, परिपक्व स्त्रियों को नहीं”।

उम्मीद के मुताबिक वाजेहा अल-हैदर नाम की इस बहादुर अरब महिला को लोकतंत्र और मानव अधिकारों के कागजी शेर से नाउम्मीदी ही हाथ लगी है।
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यह लेख समकालीन तीसरी दुनिया के मार्च 2015 अंक में प्रकाशित हुआ है ।

लेखक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता हैं। वह न्यू सोशलिस्ट इनिशिएटिव के साथ लम्बे समय से जुड़े हुए हैं और भोपाल में रहते हैं Javed4media@gmail.com

And then they came for Oyasiqur Rahman Babu !

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- Subhash Gatade
….It is not the young who are writing obituaries for the old,…I have seen the blood shed by so many young people steadily mounting up until now I am submerged and cannot breathe. All I can do is take up my pen and write a few articles, as if to make a small hole in the mud through which I can draw a few more wretched breaths. What sort of world is this ? The night is so long, the way so long….
( Lu Xun, Written for the Sake of Forgetting, P 234, Selected Works of Lu Xun, Vol III, Beijing)
Md Oyasiqur Rahman Babu , aged 27 years is dead. A travel agency executive by profession and a secular blogger by passion he was killed by radical Islamists in Tejgaon, Dhaka when he was going to office in Motijheel. The three assailants – who did not personally know each other – met just for planning the murder and then executed it with military precision.
Thanks to the courage exhibited by trans genders living nearby who caught hold of these murderers while the locals who watched the act before their eyes just dithered to move. Zikrullah, a student of Hefazat-e-Islam’s Hathazari Madrasa in Chittagong, and Ariful, student of Mirpur Darul Uloom Madrasa – were caught while the third member of the team, Abu Taher of Mirpur Darul Uloom, managed to flee the spot. The arrestees said they had killed Oyasiqur for writing on religious issues. It is a different matter that none of them had read his blog, they even did not know what blogging is, they  just executed the order issued by some mastermind. The duo told a police official :
“Our Hujur [religious teacher] told us that he [Oyasiqur] is an anti-Islamic person. It was our responsibility as believers to kill him. So, we killed him,”
It is a third killing by Islamists within a span of two years. First it was Ahmad Rajib Haider, who was killed by Radical Islamists in February 2013, when the historic Shahbagh movement was at its peak. Then came the turn of Avijit Roy, a Bangladeshi-American blogger, when death pounced on him last month, in Dhaka when he was coming out of the Ekushe Book Fair and now it is Washiqur Rahman.
All the three were premediated, copycat murders, one imitating the other. Cry of ‘hurt sentiments’, use of machetes, key role played by young Islamists associated with this or that Madarsa, brutality of the crime. Washqur’s case, they had tried to deface him in such a manner that it was difficult to even recognise him.
In an interview to NPR radio, Zafar Sobhan, editor of ‘Dhaka Tribune’ told that Oyasiqur Rahman Babu was part of a bloggers group called ‘Logical Forum’ – which carried lively debates on religion and fundamentalism and were critical of all religions.
He was known as Oyasiqur Babu on Facebook and used to write under pseudonyms on popular blogs. He had written several notes opposing irrational religious beliefs, superstitions and radical Islamists. An admirer of Avijit Roy who had recently changed his profile picture to the hashtag “#iamavijit” on a black background. His Facebook cover photo also displayed the hashtag #WordsCannotBeKilled. After Avijit’s death he had also mourned the killing of Ahmed Rajib Haider, known online as Thaba Baba and vowed to continue fighting.
As has been witnessed in previous cases many pro-Jamaat facebook pages tried to rationalise and justify murder of Oyasiqur Rahman claiming that “the atheist had committed crimes by criticising Islam.” Close watchers of the situation know very well that the “call of hurting sentiments” or “criticising Islam” is not the real issue. The anger and rage of various shades of Islamists – predominant being Jamaat-e-Islami, Hefazat-e- Islam etc – agains these  bloggers has roots in the key role played these online groups and network of bloggers in laying the foundation of the historic Shahbagh movement and the manner in which they were put on the defensive by the ensuing torrent of humanity merely two years back.
Today, when majoritarians of various shades and colours are gaining ascendance in this region of South Asia, it would be difficult to believe that this movement witnessed participation of hundreds of thousands of people for days together on the streets of Dhaka and other parts of B’desh, demanding strict punitive action against war criminals and their organisations, namely Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. The manner in which Shahbagh movement raised the debate to a new level and raised the question of separation of religion and politics has been unprecedented in recent times.
Oasiqur Rahman Babu, who was otherwise a very shy, introvert type person, is dead. But his words would keep  ringing in our ears for times to come The pen will remain active, will continue till the death of your belief,”

The Sin and the Error

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- Ravi Sinha
…it takes an error to father a sin.
─ J. Robert Oppenheimer[1]
Future historians of India may well describe the past year as a year of political sin. This was the year in which the man who had earlier presided over the Gujarat Carnage was awarded the ultimate prize. The year saw an election that touched a new low marked by shallowness, vulgarities and lies – in no small measure by the labors of the man himself. Equally appalling have been the exertions of a large class of literati and glitterati to portray philistinism and inanities spouted by the most powerful mouth as wisdom of a visionary leader.
An entire country seems to have gone blind – unable to see that the emperor has no clothes. In this age of incessant television it should be obvious to anyone that the supreme leader does not carry conviction even when enunciating relatively higher banalities. He is at his natural best only when he mocks someone as a shehzada or slanders and vilifies an entire community through phrases such as ame paanch, amara pachees. It is an irony of history that the republic which had Nehru as its first prime minister has one now for whom even common mythology is too cerebral. He must vulgarize Pushpak Viman and Ganeshaand reduce them to quackeries of aviation and surgery.
Misfortune of the nation goes beyond the man. Forces of the diabolic housed in the hydra-headedParivaar can now accomplish the impossible. They can now occupy the political center stage without leaving off the lunatic fringe. They can adopt Gandhi without renouncing Godse; erect world’s tallest statue of a leader who had punished their forefathers for assassinating Gandhi; even co-opt Bhagat Singh without batting an eyelid about what he stood for and what he had to say about ideologies like theirs. They can further refine the art of doublespeak. Their “statesmen” can pave the way for corporate plunder and call it sab ka vikas (development for all). Their “ideologues” can advocate sab ka saath(inclusion of all) by exhorting Hindu women to give birth to a minimum of four children each, lest Hindus are reduced to a minority “in their own country”.
All second comings are farcical but none more so than the ones in which caricatures come alive. It would be a cliché to invoke Hitler’s example while describing the megalomania of the current prime minister. But it would not be entirely wrong. He is larger than life because no one else – whether in the government or in the party – is allowed to be visible even as a pygmy. The Cabinet of Ministers seems to have been demoted lower than the back-room boys who formulate policies, write speeches and take sartorial decisions for the supreme leader. Even those stalwarts of yesterday, who brought the party to the center stage by unleashing havocs such as the Ram Janma Bhoomi Movement, have been consigned to the political dustbin. But, rather than a second coming of Hitler, this sordid episode appears more like Chaplin’s Great Dictator coming to life. The prime minister’s relentless globe-trotting and hobnobbing with the rulers of the world without any significant diplomatic achievement or concrete gain for India so far – except, perhaps, getting the United Nations to declare June 21st as the International Day of Yoga – evokes memories of a scene in Chaplin’s movie where the dictator plays around with an inflated globe.
The prime minister’s telling the Japanese corporate honchos that he has money in his blood, his frequent recounting of uncountable things that India’s ancient wisdom can teach to the world, his recent observation that Indian grandmother’s recipes are enough to save humanity from environmental disasters and this makes India worthy of leading the global endeavor to save the planet, and other such gems that he scatters regularly across the globe, also bring to mind one of Kurosawa’s later movies,Kagemusha. In the movie a political decoy was deployed to impersonate a dying warlord who had kept his enemies in awe for long. The impersonator manages to get over his many temptations and actually learns to act like the warlord within the royal house as well as on the battle field.
That day may yet be far in this case. The body-language of the prime minister – while posing with a world leader or posing conspicuously to the camera when all other statesmen and diplomats around the table are busy with their papers – betrays the countenance of an imposter, even if anointed to the throne through a process every bit constitutional and politically legitimate. The acts and demeanor of the prime minister are constant reminders that Indian people have been tricked into committing a political sin. And the irony is that they have committed it against themselves.

One can go on and on with the sin part. But one must resist the temptation. After all, those who agree with what is being said do not get any wiser by descriptions of the obvious, and those who do not agree are unlikely to see it as anything but unwarranted provocation. It would be far more fruitful to move on to the error part. Experience shows that even those who may readily agree to the characterization of the previous year as the year of sin, would argue vehemently about the error that may have gone into fathering it.
Actually it has taken more than one error – indeed a whole bunch of them. One could start with the Congress Party. It gave an impression as if it was doing its best to rout itself and offer victory to the opponent on a platter. But I am not interested in Congress even if it was the fattest among the errors. Lessons which this party may or may not draw from its near decimation are unlikely to be of much use to those committed to transformative politics. Instead it may trigger a wholly unhelpful discussion about whether it was part of the error or part of the sin.
The Left Front too has been on a path of self-destruction. Its precipitous decline has been a major cause behind the troubling emergence of the current political scenario. One can safely ignore claims of its constituents about being a communist party of one kind or another. Whether they truly have revolution lodged deeply in their hearts or only pay occasional lip service to it, is not relevant for analyzing their role in the recent political developments. Their role needs to be evaluated principally on the criterion of being a force for the good within the arena of bourgeois parliamentary politics. And they have failed miserably on this count.
Roots of this failure are not easy to unearth. It has become all too common for all shades of political commentators to heap ridicule on the Left. Post-leftists and other varieties of ex-leftists are especially vituperative in this regard. As if they know better. It takes a reflective attitude and a certain sense of history to realize that Left’s woes do not arise solely from its own mistakes. At a deeper level they arise from a tectonic shift underneath the surface of history. Existing Left is a product of the early twentieth century. Someone said – past is a foreign country. But it depends. For someone made by the past and caught in it, present may be a foreign country. This predicament is not peculiar to Left alone. Every major political force passes through it at one time or another, although different forces pass through it at different times.
In any case, these comments are not meant to explore the subterranean. At the surface level of day-to-day politics, Left Front committed a historic blunder when it walked out of the UPA-1 citing Indo-US Nuclear Deal as the main reason. Arguably this one was far more damaging than the previous one (disallowing Jyoti Basu to become the Prime Minister) in the pecking order of Left’s historic blunders. It was disastrous as a political judgment and ridiculous as an ideological argument. There are times in politics when one misstep can lead to an avalanche. This is what Left Front has suffered and it does not yet know how to recover. More importantly, the entire political scenario would have been very different if Left had managed to avoid this blunder.
The third component of the error leading to the sin has been far more spectacular. Like a rapidly burning comet it suddenly lit up the Indian political sky filling innumerable hearts and minds with awe, admiration, hope and confusion. It started with the anti-corruption movement spearheaded by India against Corruption and currently it is passing through a phase where it is visible more through the internal fireworks of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). This phenomenon has played a much larger role in conjuring the current political scenario than its actual size and scope would indicate. Despite its sensational victory in the Delhi assembly elections, its actual impact cannot be measured by electoral arithmetic. It mystified the people on a far wider scale and helped generate a political mood that ultimately helped BJP and the Sangh Parivaar in their anti-Congress crusade. If one looks at all that has happened in the political arena during the last decade or so, the significance of Left’s blunder pales in comparison to the damage done by the sudden rise of the AAP.
There are many reasons why such a reading of the situation remains counter-intuitive, if not totally unacceptable, for a large number of people. It may be fruitful to engage with two broad ones among them applicable respectively to two different sets of people. One set comprises of activists, politicians and ideologues which some of these ideologues themselves describe as post-ideological. The other set is of those who remain committed to the transformative and emancipatory politics of the good old days but are desperately looking for new movements which this politics can ride.
The first set would like to believe that it has rescued populism from the netherworld of dictators and demagogues and elevated it to a lofty principle. There is a priesthood of high theory that can read bird-signs in the post-ideological political sky. In each little movement – if it is spontaneous, has no well-defined goal, espouses no ideology and has no organized leadership – it hears intimations of the much awaited deluge of insurrections by little men. Bird-signs, however, are never a reliable tool for forging political strategies. The Laclaus, the Negris, and all the tenured radicals of exalted academies cannot put together the shattered high hopes that were raised by World Social Forums, Occupy Movements, or even the Arab Spring. Prophets of the plebian irruptions would be hard put to explain why such a movement either results in the rise of a new dictator, a new demagogue, a religious-fascist regime, or a military junta, or else it simply fizzles out leaving a residuum of a few professors along with fewer students pouring over pamphlets in Zuccoti Park and occasionally walking around the park with placards to the amusement of indifferent bystanders.
Such questions unfailingly invite the wrath of the post-ideological ideologue which appears in the form of launching yet another attack on the Left. The assumption is that such questions can be asked only by an incorrigibly dogmatic and sectarian leftist. The lethal weapons used in this attack are rather well known – announce to the imagined adversary that Berlin Wall has fallen, Soviet Union has collapsed, China has gone capitalist and CPM has lost West Bengal. Remind him that Marxism is beyond its date of expiry and socialism exists only as a daydream of the die-hard. Curiously, such ideologues are ever so convinced that Left is a spent force and yet the loftiest historical task they can assign themselves is to continue flogging it. When they declare 1989 as the biggest watershed in history and do not tire of celebrating the fall of the Wall, they do not care to cast a side glance at the rest of the festive assembly and take notice of who the other revelers are.
And yet questions must be asked and prophets of populism must be challenged. It is important for actual politics on ground, more so in the prevailing political atmosphere. One could have safely ignored the matter had it been confined to esoteric discourses on Populist Reason. It should also not be assumed that these questions arise necessarily from dogmatism and sectarianism. Contrary to the stereotypical image, mourning the Wall or the Soviet Union does not define a leftist. To redefine a leftist when times have changed is no disgrace but that would take us to another discussion.
For the issue at hand it may be necessary to point to the obvious yet again. The kind of movement much admired by the post-ideological types and joined in mass by naïve idealists and other undiscriminating worshippers of mass movements has once again given rise to a narcissistic and dictatorial demagogue. It is remarkable how indulgent certain ideologues and many practitioners have been regarding such an outcome that they would have decried in every other instance. It is understandable if political careerists and power-hungry opportunists hang on to the coattails of Kejriwal because only he, not Yadavs and Bhushans, can win elections. But it is a sin without pleasure when ideologues deploy their scholarly flourish and theoretical playfulness in praise of the new megalomaniac on the block.
Indians do not need theory to be convinced about charms of populism. In their love for demagogues they can be surpassed by none, except, perhaps, by the Non-Resident Indians. (Remember the rock-star reception of Modi at Madison Square Garden in New York when thousands of New Jersey Indians lapped up every indelicacy that came out of his mouth, but also do not forget the euphoria that Kejriwal has created across a wide spectrum of NRIs.) If popular support were to be taken as sole proof of good politics then Modi would be far more saintly a politician than Kejriwal. Popular acceptability is a must for good politics to come alive and become effective, but that does not mean the former defines the latter.
Modi’s politics is well-defined in its own right. It is crafted with interwoven threads of Hindu supremacist fascism and servitude to the corporate capital. The fact that it has wide popular support does not make it any less anti-people. As simple a truth as this one is forgotten when Kejriwal’s politics is evaluated by many who might have in their hearts noble desires of shaking up systems and cleansing politics. Stating a goal that is incurably nebulous and which can be interpreted conveniently and variously by a wide spectrum of political forces hardly suffices when it comes to defining one’s politics. The legendary Hindi poet, Muktibodh, used to ask, “What is your politics, partner?” This question would never be old-fashioned nor would it ever be outdated.
Kejriwal says that he is neither left nor right and he is beyond ideology (an assertion that gladdens the hearts of the post-ideologists). He goes to FICCI and CII to put on display his credentials for good governance and to play Maggie Thatcher to them (“it is not the business of the government to do business”). To the Aam Aadmi he promises Bijli, Paani and Swaraj, and puts on their table his charisma, honesty and a no-nonsense authoritarianism as a guarantee for achieving these objectives. His concrete plans for eradicating corruption finally come down to people being ready with their mobile phones for sting operations. And he never forgets to remind them of the sacrifices he has made, such as resigning from a government job or sitting on a hunger strike or going to jail for a few days. Facts are such that merely counting them may make one appear sarcastic, but that is not the aim here. The real point is that all this adds up to a politics of mass depoliticization. And, in the end, this kind of politics invariably serves the rightwing.
The other set of people who thought they had found in AAP that long sought vehicle which emancipatory and transformative politics could ride, had their own reasons to consider any criticism of the phenomenon unacceptable. Chief among them was an assessment that such a criticism comes from a purist and elitist version of radicalism that has no chance of gaining popular support. In the aftermath of a messy split in the Party they may not be as dismissive of such criticisms. But there are no significant indications that they are learning the right lessons from this expected debacle. They continue to mouth the same platitudes about shaking up the system and cleansing the politics without adding one bit of clarity or detail about how indeed are they going to accomplish that.
The fact that they can now see Kejriwal in his true colors can hardly be a solace. He is gone as far as they are concerned, but more importantly he has taken much of the popular support with him. The desperate revolutionaries, who are in a hurry to notch a few victories in political arena by any means, are unlikely to win elections on the basis of their purer hearts, better educated minds, and nobler goals. They have lost that very vehicle for which they brought their revolutionary politics down to the level of populism. If they manage to have any significant level of electoral success, they will discover that they have done so by turning themselves into clones of Kejriwal.
The trouble with seeing things as they are is that the description may at times read like the song of the cynic. This is because one is describing only a part of the entire political arena. It is a misfortune that in the present times this is the larger part. But it does not mean that other processes are not at play and other political actors are altogether absent. Telling the story of the sin and the error does not mean that virtue has altogether disappeared and there is no one left to do the right thing. That account, however, will have to be kept for another time.
[1] As quoted in Ray Monk, Inside the Centre: The Life of J. Robert Oppenheimer, Vintage, London, 2013, p. 174
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Ravi Sinha is an activist-scholar and a leading member of New Socialist Initiative (NSI) who has been associated with the left movement for nearly four decades. Trained as a theoretical physicist, he has a doctoral degree from MIT, Cambridge, USA. He worked as a physicist at University of Maryland, College Park, USA; at Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad; and at Gujarat University, Ahmedabad before resigning from the job to devote himself full time to organizing and theorizing. He is the principal author of the book, Globalization of Capital, published by Lal Parcham and Lok Dasta in 1997, and a co-founder of the highly acclaimed Hindi Journal SANDHAN.

Rulers’ Inefficiency and Brutality end the Labourers’ Lives

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T. Venkateshwarlu

On 7 April 2015 at early morning Andhra Pradesh police killed 20 red sandalwood labourers in the name ‘encounter’ at Sheshachalam forest area. According to police version, nearly 300 sandalwood labourers with red sandalwoods are found in ‘Chikatigala Kona and SacchinOdibanDa’ areas in Sheshachalam forest. The police warned the labourers but they attacked on police with their ‘sophisticated and dangerous’ weapons such as ‘axes and stones’. The police started firing to protect their lives from labourers attack. In that ‘war’ 20 labourers were killed in 20 miters range. Beside each labourer body, there is sandalwood, their shirt and footwear. Nobody is injured and arrested in hundreds of labourers even sandalwood did not recovered from other labourers those who escaped from the spot. This is the police narration of their ‘encounter’ story. It’s not a big puzzle to understand what happened in the Sheshachalam forest. Actually police killed 20 red sandalwood labourers with a strategy according to the rulers’ direction. The police did not have the courage and honesty to admit the truth that they did it. Because they thought it’s a best way to create fear among the sandalwood labourers to prevent sandalwood smuggling. The police and rulers want to cover their murderous act with a silly story. Their story may useful to the comedian cinema directors those who make comedy films based on nonsense scripts. 

Along with encounter story the police and rulers revealed some issues relating the red sandalwood smuggling. Those issues are that they arrested nearly 4000 sandal labouers and made propaganda in the village to create awareness about the ban on red sandalwood cutting. But they did not prevent the sandalwood cutting. Even some times they faced attacks by the labourers. But the arrested 4000 people are all belonged to labourers. The people who took the labourers for sandalwood cutting, who transport the sandalwood, who sell it in the international market, the officials who cooperate to the smuggling, the political leaders who protect the smugglers never arrested. These people did not get punishment. Only the labourers punished and put in jails those who came for this work to get some income for their families’ survival. Killing the sandalwood labourers is not the solution. It did not prevent smuggling. Actually the rulers did not have the commitment to eradicate the smuggling. If they have the commitment they would appoint efficient and honest officials and involve community in this operation. These officials would take stringent actions on smugglers including government officials and political leaders those who support and protect the smuggling. The sandalwood smuggling has been running for decades. Government has the information about smugglers, supporting officials and involving political leaders. The rulers would put vigilance in all ways in & out from the forest. The smugglers are not selling the sandalwood beside Sheshachalam forest area villages and the sandalwood is not small item like safety pin. They are selling sandalwood and that too they are transporting the wood to other countries through ships and flights. If Tamil Nadu is supporting to this smuggling activity, the Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister (CM) can discuss with the Tamil Nadu state CM and request to cooperate to end sandalwood smuggling. If the AP government did not get proper response from TN government it can put this issue before the center. AP rulers did not work in this way. Basically they did not have sufficient commitment to end the red sandalwood smuggling. This is the cause behind their inefficiency to prevent the smuggling. 

For the decades red sandalwood cutting is happening in Sheshachalam forest in Andhra Pradesh. Even nearby forest villagers used to cut the sandalwood to prepare home need material. The smuggling also has been happening for decades. In 2000 the government banned the sandalwood cutting and smuggling. Recently the sandalwood price has increased in the international market. Now in the international market one tone sandalwood price range Rs. 30 Lakh to 70 Lakh based on the quality of the wood. Last year AP government sold 4500 ton sandalwood for Rs. 1000 Crore and there are 8500 ton sandalwood reserves which were collected from the smugglers. AP government wants to sell this wood and it is eager to sell and earn money for the new capital city construction.

The rulers want to prevent red sandalwood smuggling. But they choose easy way to prevent the sandalwood smuggling by creating fear among labourers with encounter killings. The poor people became target to the rulers. These labourers are those who did not have sufficient livelihoods for survival and forced to take the sandalwood cutting work as a livelihood for their families survival became the easy target. The tragedy is that this poor people attracted by the smuggling agents’ promises like they can get Rs. 5000 to Rs. 6000 per day per labourer. The agents told lies to the labourers that it would not illegal activity and government permitted the sandalwood cutting. Government propaganda which tried to explain the punishment for the sandalwood cutting did not attracted as agents’ offers and lies. The rulers never cared about the poverty situation situation of the labourers. 

The rulers thought that if they kill some labourers to prevent wood smuggling their families cannot create many problems. The supporting organizations and parties cannot do prolonged struggle to punish the culprits. Media can protect them. Some section of middle class can support to the rulers. These people also think that killing the wood cutters is the best way to prevent sandalwood smuggling. Instead of asking to kill officials and political leaders those who involve in the wood smuggling. These people may be fear to ask to kill involved officials and political leaders. It’s easy to ask to kill sandalwood labourers. Rulers did not respect the Constitutional rights, courts and judiciary system. They like more repressive method than democratic methods. They have to pretend as democratic rulers. So they project that they respect the judiciary system and legal mechanism. Police always ready to deal the poor with their method. Ultimately rulers and police found the best way to prevent red sandalwood smuggling by killing 20 labourers. It never eradicate the smuggling but it crated unimaginable tragedy to the poor families for lifelong. 

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T. Venkateshwarlu is a Telangana based activist associated with New Socialist Initiative (NSI).

नर्मदा के संतानों की रूहें

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- जावेद अनीस

कई सालों से देश के किसान मुसलसल आत्महत्या कर रहे हैं लेकिन किसानों के इस देश में यह एक मुद्दा तब बन पाया जब एक किसान का बेटा लुटियंस की दिल्ली में ठीक हुक्मरानों के सामने खुदकशी कर लेता है। इसके बाद देश भर में भूमि अधि‍ग्रहण कानून और किसान आत्महत्या से जुड़े मुद्दे कुछ समय के लिए बहस के केन्द में तो आ जाते हैं लेकिन इसकी मियाद ज्यादा लम्बी नहीं होती है, व्यवस्था के चेहरे से गजेन्द्र के खून के छीटें अभी सूखे भी नहीं थे कि इधर मध्यप्रदेश में नर्मदा की संतानें अपने आप को रूह बनाने के लिए मजबूर हैं। खंडवा जिले के घोघलगांव में ओंकारेश्वर बांध क्षेत्र के डूब प्रभावित किसान पिछले11अप्रैल से नर्मदा की पानी में अपना शरीर गलाते हुए प्रतिरोध कर रहे हैं और सैकड़ों लोग पानी से बाहर से उनका साथ दे रहे हैं। यह वही नर्मदा नदी है जिसे यहाँ के लोग प्यार और सम्मान से “नर्मदा मैया” कर के बुलाते है और जो सदियों से उनकी जीवन रेखा रही हैं, लेकिन विडम्बना देखिये कि हमारे सिस्टम ने सैकड़ों सालों से लोगों की पालनहार रही नर्मदा की धारा को उसकी आँचल में बसे लोगों के लिए जानलेवा बना दिया है, यह विस्थापन बनाम तथाकथित “विकास” की लडाई है जिसमे जीत अक्सर “विकास” की ही होती है और जिनकी कीमत और नाम पर यह “विकास” होता है वह हार जाते हैं। भोपाल और दिल्ली में बैठे इस लोकतंत्र के हुकमरानों के कानों में जैसे लोहा जम गया है क्योंकि अपनी जान की बाजी लगाकर जल-समाधि ले रहे इन आवाजों को सुनने के लिए उन्हें पूरे 21 दिन लग गये। इक्कीसवें दिन बाद सरकार सत्याग्रहियों से मिलने के लिए पुनासा के तहसीलदार को अपने प्रतिनिधि के रूप में भेजती है जिसके नतीजे में ना तो कोई हल निकलना था और ना ही निकला। 

इससे पहले प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री शिवराज सिंह चौहान बीते 24 अप्रैल को खंडवा के चांदेल में पुनासा उद्वहन सिंचाई योजना का लोकार्पण के लिए आये थे लेकिन उन्होंने सत्याग्रहियों से मिलना मुनासिब नहीं समझा उलटे उन्होंने जलसत्याग्रहियों से कहा कि ‘निमाड़ अंचल के किसानों की आकांक्षाएं पूरा करनें के लिए ओंकारेश्वर बांध की उंचाई 191 मीटर तक करना जरूरी है और जो लोग पूर्वाग्रहों से ग्रसित होकर सत्याग्रह में शामिल हो गये हैं वे जनहित की आवश्यकता को समझते हुये इसे तत्काल समाप्त कर दें और निमाड़ के समृद्धि उत्सव में शामिल हो जायें।‘ अब मुख्यमंत्री महोदय को कैसे समझाया जाए कि बर्बादी के उत्सव में शामिल होना कितना दर्दनाक होता है, यह मुख्यमंत्री और उनकी सरकार के लिए निमाड़ का समृद्धि उत्सव तो हो सकता है लेकिन उन किसानों के लिए बर्बादी का दंश हैं जिनकी उपजाऊ जमीने इसकी भेंट चढ़ाई जा रही हैं। उनके लिए इस उत्सव में शामिल होने से अच्छा है कि वह अपने लोगों के लिए इन्साफ की उम्मीद में खुद के शरीर को उसी नर्मदा में गला दे जो उन्हें और उनके पुरखों की सदियों से जीवन और समृद्धि देती आई है।

सत्याग्रही यही तो कर रहे हैं, वे ओंकारेश्वर बांध के जलस्तर बढ़ाए जाने को लेकर जल सत्याग्रह कर रहे हैं, क्योंकि पिछले दिनों मध्यप्रदेश सरकार द्वारा ओंकारेश्वर बांध के जलस्तर को 189 मीटर से बढ़ाकर 191 मीटर कर दिया गया है जिससे उस क्षेत्र में आने वाले किसानों की कई एकड़ उपजाऊ जमीन डूब क्षेत्र में आ गयी है। किसानों का कहना है कि सरकार ने अपनी मनमर्जी से बांध का जलस्तर बढ़ा दिया है, इसके बदले सरकार द्वारा जो जमीन दी गयी है वह किसी काम की नहीं है। इधर लगातार पानी में खड़े होने से सत्याग्रही किसानों की हालत लगातार बिगड़ती ही जा रही अब उनके पैर लगभग गल चुके हैं ,वह बीमार भी हो रहे हैं,उन्हें सूजन,सर्दी- जुखाम, बदन दर्द हो रहे हैं,धूप भी लगातार तीखी होती जा रही है, डॉक्टरों ने सत्याग्रहियों के पैरों की जांच और इलाज की सलाह दी है मगर उन्होंने उपचार लेने से मना कर दिया है, इतना सब होने के बावजूद प्रदेश सरकार असंवदेनशीलता नजर आ रही है, लेकिन जल सत्याग्रही “लड़ेंगे, मरेंगे ज़मीन नहीं छोड़ेंगे", “हक लेंगे या जल समाधि दे देंगे” के नारों के साथ डटे हुए हैं। उनका कहना है कि सरकार हमें जीते जी मारने पर तुली हुई है इसलिए हमने भी ठान लिया है कि मर जाएंगे, मगर जमीन नहीं छोड़ेंगे।सत्याग्रहियों की मांग है कि पुनर्वास नीति के तहत जमीन के बदले जमीन और सर्वोच्च न्यायालय द्वारा निर्धारित मुआवजा दिया जाए। 

विस्थापन और पुनर्वास की यह लडाई पुरानी है जिसे नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन पिछले 30 सालों से अहिंसात्मक तरीके से लड़ रही है, लेकिन घोघलगांव के सत्याग्रहियों के प्रति सरकार के रिस्पांस को देख कर यही लग रहा है कि इसका हमारी सरकारों पर खास प्रभाव नहीं हुआ है। ओंकारेश्वरबांध के विस्थापित अपने हक के लिए पिछले नौ सालों से नर्मदा बचाओ आन्दोलन के बैनर तले संघर्ष कर रहे हैं। ओंकारेश्वर बांध का निर्माण 2006 में पूरा हो गया था। उस समय वायदा किया गया था कि इससे प्रभावित होने वाले सभी लोगों का पुनर्वास बांध निर्माण के 1 वर्ष पूर्व यानी 2005 में ही कर लिया जाएगा,लेकिन पुनर्वास नीति का पालन नहीं किया गया और प्रभावितों का पुनर्वास नहीं किया गया, तब से यह संघर्ष चल रहा है। इससे पहले वर्ष 2012 में भी राज्य सरकार ने सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के फैसले एवं पुनर्वास नीति को नजर अंदाज़ करते हुए ओंकारेश्वर बांध को 189 मीटर से बढ़ाकर 193 मीटर ऊंचाई तक भरने का निर्णय लिया था जिससे 1000 एकड़ जमीन और 60 गांव डूबने के कगार पर आ चुके थे, इसके विरोध में इसी घोघलगांव में 51 पुरुष और महिलायें जल सत्याग्रह करने को मजबूर हुए थे जिनके समर्थन में वहां के आसपास के 250 गांवों के करीब 5000 लोग जुड़ गए थे। यह आंदोलन 17 दिनों तक चला और सरकार द्वारा जमीन के बदले जमीन देने और ओंकारेश्वर बांध के जल स्तर को 189 मीटर पर नियंत्रित रखने के आदेश के बाद समाप्त हुआ था। 

अब एक बार फिर वही कहानी दोहराई जा रही है लेकिन इस बार सरकार ज्यादा उदासीन दिखाई दे रही है और वह किसानों और प्रभावितों की बात ही सुनने को तैयार नहीं दिखाई पड़ती है, इक्कीसवें दिन बाद पुनासा के तहसीलदार सरकारी नुमाइंदे के तौर पर आन्दोलनकारियों से मिलने आते हैं लेकिन वह सुनने से ज्यादा सुनाकर चले जाते है, यहाँ भी सरकार का वही ना झुकने वाला रवैया दिखाई पड़ा, सरकारी नुमाइंदे के तौर पर आये तहसीलदार ने अपनी बात- चीत में वही सब दोहराया जो सरकार पहले से कहती आ रही है। उन्होंने विस्थापितों से जल-सत्याग्रह समाप्त करके सरकार के पास उपलब्ध लैंड बैंक और प्लाट लेने का विकल्प चुनने को कहा, जिसको प्रभावितों ने यह कहते हुए इन्कार कर दिया कि वे लैंड बैंक की इन बंजर एवं अतिक्रमित जमीनों को पहले भी कई बार देख चुके हैं जहाँ से कई विस्थापितों को अतिक्रमणकारियों ने पहले ही भगा दिया था। आन्दोलनकारियों का कहना है कि राज्य सरकार के राजस्व विभाग के पत्र 28 मई 2001 में साफ कहा गया है कि नर्मदा घाटी मंत्रालय द्वारा पुनर्वास के लिए आरक्षित की गई लैंड बैंक की जमीनें अनउपजाऊ है। आन्दोलनकारियों ने सरकारी नुमाइंदे के सामने मांग रखी है कि सरकार या तो उन्हें जमीन खरीद कर दे या वर्तमान बाजार भाव पर पात्रता अनुसार न्यूनतम पांच एकड़ जमीन खरीदने के लिया अनुदान दे ताकि उनका उचित पुनर्वास हो सके।

इससे पहले सरकार के कारिंदे लगातार यही कहते रहे कि बांध का जलस्तर बढ़ाए जाने से किसी की जमीन डूब में नहीं आई है। राज्य सरकार के नर्मदा घाटी विकास राज्यमंत्री लाल सिंह आर्य ने इस आंदोलन का आधारहीन करार देते कहा था कि “महज कुछ लोग ही जलस्तर बढ़ाने का विरोध कर रहे हैं...ओंकारेश्वर नहर से हजारों किसानों को सिंचाई का लाभ देने का विरोध समझ से परे है”। मुख्यमंत्री शिवराज सिंह चौहान तो नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन को विकास और किसान विरोधी तक करार दे चुके है। नर्मदा बचाओ आंदोलन के वरिष्ठ कार्यकर्ता और आम आदमी पार्टी (आम) के प्रदेश संयोजक आलोक अग्रवाल का कहना है कि सरकार ने मनमर्जी से बांध का जलस्तर बढ़ा दिया है, जिससे किसानों की जमीन डूब में आ गई है, विस्थापितों को बंजर और अतिक्रमित जमीन देकर धोखा दिया गया है, आज तक एक भी प्रभावित को सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के आदेश के अनुसार सिंचित व् उपजाऊ जमीन नहीं दी गयी है। बिना पुनर्वास, प्रभावितों से जमीन का पैसा वापस लेने के बाद, इन जमीनों को डुबाना सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के आदेशों का खुला उल्लंघन है, उनका आरोप है कि सरकार ओंकारेश्वर विस्थापितों का उचित पुनर्वास इसलिए नहीं कर रही है क्योंकि वह बांध बना रही सरकारी कंपनी नर्मदा हाइड्रो इलेक्ट्रिक कंपनी को लाभ पहुंचाना चाहती है जिसने 4000 करोड़ रुपए का शुद्ध लाभ कमाया है।

इंसानी हौसले और सरकार की हठधर्मिता के बीच ओंकारेश्वर बांध से प्रभावित रमेश कडवाजी जैसे किसान अपना अहिंसक सत्याग्रह जारी रखे हुए है जिनकी 4.5 एकड़ जमीन डूब में आ रही है। उनकी जमीन उपजाऊ थी जिसमें वह पर्याप्त मात्र में गेहूं, मूंग, चना, सोयाबीन जैसी फसलें उगाते थे। सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के आदेश के बाद शिकायत निवारण प्राधिकरण ने अपने आदेश में कहा था कि वे 5 एकड़ जमीन के पात्र हैं,आदेश के अनुसार रमेश ने मुआवजे के मिले 3 लाख रूपये वापस कर दिए इसके बदले में उन्हें अतिक्रमित व गैर उपजाऊ जमीन दिखाई गयी। जिसे उन्होंने लेने से इंकार कर दिया। अभी तक उन्हें कोई दूसरी जमीन नहीं दिखाई गयी है। उनका कहना है कि अब हम सब किसान से मज़दूर हो गए हैं और उन जैसे सैकड़ों किसान अपने पैरों को सड़ा का अपना प्रतिरोध जताने को मजबूर है। 

गेंद एक बार फिर सरकार के पाले में है, दूसरी तरफ सत्याग्रही हैं जो हर बीतते दिन के साथ समाधि के कगार पर पहुँच रहे है, अब समय बहुत कम बचा है, लेकिन इन आन्दोलनकारियों की हिम्मत,जुझारूपन,संघर्ष और लड़ने का हौसला कायम है, तब तक जब तक कि इस व्यवस्था की कानों पर पड़ा लोहा पिघल ना जाए। इस लोहे को पिघलाने के लिए अब बच्चे भी मैदान में आ गये हैं। 11 अप्रेल से लगातार जल सत्याग्रह कर रहे किसान सोहन लाल की बेटी संतोष ने अपने आपको प्रदेश भर के बच्चों का मामा कहलवाना पसंद करने वाले मुख्यमंत्री शिवराजसिंह चौहान को एक ख़त लिखा है जिसमें उसने लिखा है कि “प्रिय मामा जी, मेरा नाम संतोष है मैं घोघलगावं में रहती हूँ, कुछ दिन पहले हमारे खेत में ओंकारेश्वर बांध का पानी भर गया, मेरे पापा ने कर्ज लेकर मुआवजा वापस कर दिया। उन्हें कोई जमीन दिए बिना हमारे खेत में पानी भर दिया। मेरे पापा पिछले बाईस दिनों से पानी में सत्याग्रह कर रहे हैं, उनके पैर गल गये हैं और उनकी तबीयत बहुत खराब है, आप उनकी बात क्यूँ नहीं सुन रहे हैं, आप हमारे मामा है तो आप हमारी मां का परिवार नहीं बचओंगे क्या? जल्दी हमारे गांव आओ और हमारा गांव बचाओ”।

Farmers’ Struggles at Battleground Peripheries

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- T Venkateshwarlu

The farmer suicide in the Aam Admi Party (AAP) rally at Delhi once again facilitated national level discussions on farmers’ suicide in the country. The rally was organized by the AAP against ‘Land acquisition Bill, 2014’. The farmer suicide is a big tragedy and very painful thing. Ruling party BJP and opposition party Congress blamed AAP to the farmer suicide. Delhi Chief Minister and AAP party leader Aravind Kejriwal accepted his mistake that to continue the meeting after the farmer suicide. Rahul Gandhi promised to the farmers that he will fight against land acquisition in the country. These statements and tragedies are all became the part of history. In the country farmers’ suicides have been happening for three decades without any interruption. From 1995 almost every 30 minutes one farmer is committing suicide. In these three decades nearly three lakh farmers were committed suicides. This is the according government data. In reality this number may be three times higher. In 2014 the rate of farmers’ suicide increased 26% comparing with previous year. No party did not take serious about farmers’ suicides and not wage struggles against the farmers’ major problems which are causing to the farmers’ suicides.

Many parties, organizations, forums and Non- government Organizations are waging struggles in various forms against ‘Land Acquisition Bill, 2014’. Modi government designed the ‘Land Acquisition Bill’ 2014’ by making changes to earlier Land Acquisition Bill, 2013. After curtailing the workers’ rights in the name ‘Sramevajayati’ Modi started his attack on farmers’ rights. Once again these actions proved that people took disastrous decision by electing Modi government. The tragedy is that many political parties did not respond and wage struggles against ‘Sramevajayati’ which is against workers and serve the industrialists interests. It shows that the parties’ interest in farmers’ vote bank in Indian politics.

In the new Bill Modi removed the consent and social impact assessment clauses in the Land Acquisition Bill, 2013. He wants to provide a lot of opportunities to the corporate companies to grab the farmers’ land and make huge profits. So, he removed the consent and social impact assessment clauses in the previous Bill. After the prolonged struggles for decades farmers succeed in getting ‘Land Acquisition Bill, 2013 which included progressive clauses such as 70% to 80 % consent of land owners which provides bargaining powers to the farmers to get better compensation to them at the time of land acquisition. The social impact assessment prevents corporate companies to make real estate business with the farmers’ land which were taken in the name of establishing industries and projects. There is no doubt that the Modi Land Bill is against farmers’ interests. He wants to serve the interests of the corporate companies. So, he thought that consent clause and social impact assessment may give troubles to corporate companies at the times of land acquisition. He never feels and hesitates to work for the corporate companies. Actually he proved himself that he is the best servant of the corporate owners. The corporate media is projecting him as a ‘savior’ of the country. He changed the Bill to fulfill the corporate companies’ aspirations. So, struggles against ‘Land Acquisition Bill, 2014’ are genuine and required. Any farmers’ family should not fell into vulnerable situation because of the land acquisition. Before taking farmers’ land for private companies, development projects and infrastructure projects, government should provide sufficient compensation and sustainable livelihoods to the land owners. Most of the parties which are waging struggles against ‘Land Bill, 2014’ largely confined to compensation. But compensation will not suffice to the farmers. We should demand that along with sufficient compensation land owners should be include as shareholders in the industries and development projects. No government has right to grab land from the farmers and distributes it to the corporate companies in the name of development. Farmers have the right on their lands. No government has to take their right on their lands. Only at the time of building cooperatives by themselves farmers may give their rights on the lands for collective benefit. The agriculture labourers and other people those who depend on lands and other natural resources for their livelihoods have to consider as the victims development projects at the time of land acquisition. Sufficient compensation has to pay them for losing their livelihoods opportunities. Even within the land acquisition arena those who are fighting against land acquisition are not demanding shareholder status of the land owners in industries and developmental projects.

Most of the ongoing farmers’ struggles are almost confined to the problem of ‘Land Acquisition Bill, 2014’. But we have to remember that this is one of the problems of the farmers’. Focusing more on ‘Land Acquisition Bill’ these parties put aside the other major burning problems of the famers’. Because of these problems small, marginal and middle class famers are facing serious crisis in agriculture. Famers have been gradually drowning in to the debt trap. Throughout the year farmers and their family members’ hard work did not get any reasonable income to survive. Instead of providing income to their hard work it gives huge debts and pushes them into more vulnerable conditions. These conditions are facilitating tragedy of farmers’ suicides across the country. Farmers are facing many serious problems such as lack of sufficient and timely financial assistance from the government banks, increasing prices of seeds, fertilizers and pesticides, lack of irrigated water facility, decreasing the soil productivity, lack of agricultural department services, lack of drying platforms and storages, lack of agriculture produce processing centers, marketing facilities to the produce and Minimum Support Price (MSP) to the agriculture produce.

Farmers are exploiting by the market at every stage from inputs stage to marketing stage. Lack of financial support from the government banks farmers are forced to depend on money lenders for agriculture loans. These money lenders collect high interest on the loans. Most of the times the traders or seeds, fertilizers and pesticides shop owners give loan and collect money with high interest after crop harvest or they give loan with the condition that the farmers have to sell their produce to those shop owners. Less quality of the seeds, fertilizers and pesticides are damaging the crops. Lack of storage facilities famers have to sell their produce after harvest. If they have facility to storage for their produce they can wait to get good price for their produce in the market. This situation forced famers to sell their produce as early as possible after harvesting.

Market places are far away from the villages. Farmers are unable to access the latest prices of their produce. So, they have to depend on traders to sell their produce. Traders are taking this as good advantage and purchasing produce from farmers at less prices. The traders become syndicate to purchase agriculture produce at less prices from the farmers. Traders are exploiting the farmers in a big way. Cost of production increased nearly four to five times but the income did not increase according to the production cost. At the same time the consumers are getting the agricultural produce at high prices. The profit is consuming by the traders. MSP became maximum price for the produce. Governments did not bother about the MSP to the agriculture produce.

Along with these problems erratic rains are also damaging the crops. Farmers are not getting sufficient insurance for their crops damage. Scarcity of the irrigating water became one of the big problems to the farmers. Farmers are spending lakhs of rupees on bore-wells and many times they are not getting water but they are drowning into debts because of bore-wells. Electricity problem became is one of the problems of farmers. They have to wait day and night for the electricity. The power cuts are adding their contribution in damaging the agriculture produce.

Farmers are doing cultivation with so many problems. These problems are pushing farmers into debt traps and finally causing to farmers’ suicides. The various parties and organizations have to wage relentless struggles on the farmers’ problems. Leaving these major problems and wage struggles and these struggles should be in center place of battle ground. But the political parties and organizations confined to the peripheries of the battle ground by confining the land acquisition.

The BJP and Congress party completely failed to address the farmers’ problems. These parties’ leaders are competing to propagate how they are working for the farmers. But in reality they never take farmers issue as a serious issue. Congress party could not find time to discuss the agricultural crisis in Parliament. Modi always find time for corporate companies’ owners but he did not want to give five minutes time to the farmers’ representatives to discuss agriculture crisis. But he propagates that ‘Nothing is valuable than farmers in the country’. People know who are most valuable to Modi. He works for the interests of the corporate companies by crushing the rights of farmers and workers. He removed the consent and social impact assessment clauses to protect the interests of the corporate companies. At the same time he can say that the farmers are most valuable in the country.

Communist parties and revolutionary groups are not yet come-out from their dogmatic world of semi- feudal theory. Particularly Communist Party of India (Marxist) leaders are almost confined to propagate the land reforms in West Bengal and failed build different types struggles on farmers’ major problems. These parties’ leaders forgot their party program to establish Socialism in the country. They did not bother about path of revolution which determines the strategy and tactics. These parties confined to Parliamentary politics and forgot Socialist revolution in the country. They did not understand ongoing changes taking place in economical and social fields particularly in the agricultural sector in the last three decades because of predominately prevalence of Capitalist relations in the agriculture. Because of the dogmatism and Parliamentary politics these parties’ leaders are reluctant to understand present agricultural relations, crisis and wage struggles against major problems of the farmers.

The revolutionary groups are waging struggles on ‘Land to The Tiller’. These groups’ leaders are reluctant to study changes in agriculture and new problems of the farmers. In their program ‘Landless’ is the major problem of the people in rural areas. They did not understand the changes occurred in the agriculture. So, they are not focusing the problems of farmers. The farmers those who are committing suicides are landholders. Even in the backward regions also farmers are committing suicides because market exploitation. Their problems are not lack of land. Their problems related to the market exploitation. It is the result of capital intervening in agriculture sector across the country. There may be variations in capitalist development across the country. In some corners or remote areas somebody may find the characteristics of the ‘Semi- feudal’. Because of the misunderstanding of about capitalist development in the country and they are reluctant to understand the changes in agriculture focus on farmers problems facing by the market. Because this limitation they are not waging struggles against exploitation in the market.

Waging prolonged struggles against these major problems is not as easy as waging struggles against ‘Land Acquisition’. Along with struggles the parties and organizations have to build farmers’ cooperatives with small, marginal and middle class farmers. Above 70% of the farmers belong to the small and marginal farmers’ category. These cooperatives manage by the leadership of the small and marginal farmers. These cooperatives purchase inputs at less price and sell the produce at reasonable price. These cooperatives will provide financial support to the farmers and do other initiatives like agriculture produce processing. Along with these initiatives these cooperatives work advocacy to get insurance and infrastructural facilities to the agriculture produce and pro farmers policies. The farmers are not corporate owners, so Modi did not care them and always try to cut the farmers rights to protect the interests of the corporate owners. The cooperatives also help to consumers by providing quality produce at reasonable price. These cooperatives will be good answer to the government which is praising and showing the corporate agriculture is the solution of the agriculture crisis.

The parties and organizations have to revisit their approach and understand the severity of the problems of the farmers. These problems are the result of capital intervening in the agriculture sector. Apart from struggles against ‘Land Acquisition Bill, 2014’ they have to wage struggles on major problems of the farmers. This initiative is require a lot to end the lakhs of farmers’ suicides across the country for the last three decades.

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T. Venkateshwarlu is a Telangana based activist associated with New Socialist Initiative (NSI).

'गब्बर इज़ बैक'एन्ड ही इज मोर डैंजर

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जावेद अनीस

शोले फिल्म के ओरिजिनल क्लाइमैक्स में ठाकुर द्वारा गब्बर को मारते हुए दिखाया गया था जिसे बाद में सेंसर बोर्ड की दखल के बाद बदलना पड़ा, सेंसर बोर्ड नहीं चाहता था कि फिल्म में ठाकुर का किरदार कानून को अपने हाथ में ले। लगभग चालीस साल बाद आयी “गब्बर इज बेक” के क्लाइमैक्स में सरकारी कर्मचारियों की बेधड़क हत्यायें करने वाले फिल्म के “हीरो” को किसी शहीद की तरह फांसी की सजा पाते हुए दिखाया गया है, यही वह फर्क है जो हम 1975 और 2015 के बीच की अपनी फिल्मों में पाते हैं। तो क्या यह परिवर्तन सिर्फ फिल्मों के मामले में हुआ है और हमारे समाज, संस्कृति और राजनीति के कोने इससे अछूते है? जरा ठहर कर विभिन्न क्षेत्रों के सितारों पर एक नज़र डाल लीजिये जवाब खुद बखुद मिल जायेगा,आज साहित्य के सबसे बड़े ब्रांड और सितारे चेतन भगत है, संगीत में हनी सिंह और मिक्का सिंह, सिनेमा में सलमान खान,अक्षय कुमार, अध्यात्म में बाबा रामदेव,आशाराम,राजनीति में नरेंद्र मोदी,केजरीवाल,अमित शाह, ओवेसी ब्रदर्स हैं। इस लिस्ट को देख कर स्पष्ट है कि अब हमारे नायक बदल गये है, अब वे दूध के धुले नहीं हैं और ना ही वे मूल्यों की परवाह करते हैं, श्रेष्ठ होने का पैमाना भी बदल चूका है। लीडरों, नायकों के साथ चलने की जगह उनके पीछे चलने की भेड़चाल की प्रवृति और ज्यादा हावी हो गयी है। 

हम उदारीकरण के दौर में हैं जहाँ अपने आप को बाजार में बनाये रखने के वास्ते सब को ब्रांड बनने के लिए संघर्ष करना पड़ रहा है,अगर एक बार भी आप ब्रांड बन गये तो सक्सेस हैं, फिर आप चाहे अन्दर से कितने भी खोखले और फर्जी ही क्यों ना हो और जो ब्रांड नहीं बन पाता है उसे हाशिये पर ही रहना है, फिर वह चाहे कितना भी प्रतिभाशाली क्यों ना हो, इस खेल का दूसरा नियम यह है कि ब्रांड वही बनता है जो मार्किट के रिक्वायरमेंट के हिसाब से फिट बैठता है, तभी तो ठीक पार्लियामेन्ट के पास आत्महत्या कर लेने वाला एक किसान न्यूज़ इंडस्ट्री के लिए एक ब्रांड बन जाता है जबकि वर्षों से ग्रामीण भारत के अलग–अलग हिस्सों में आत्महत्या कर रहे हजारों किसानों की आत्महत्यायें का कोई न्यूज़ वैल्यू नहीं बन पाता है, इन ब्रांड्स को ही रोल माडल के रूप में गढ़ा जा रहा है, लोगों में इनकी लत डाली जा रही है जो बाद में करोड़ों की संख्या में फैन्स बनते हैं, फैन्स होने की पहली शर्त अंधभक्त होना है। हमारे दौर के “रोल माडल” तानाशाह भी होते जिनका करोड़ों फैन्स आँख और कान बंद करके फालो करते है। सलमान खान से जुडी हालिया घटना इसका ताजा मिसाल है। 

1975 में आई फिल्म शोले का खलनायक गब्बर सिंह इस फिल्म का ही नहीं हिंदी सिनेमा का भी एक ब्रांड है, अब 2015 में फिल्मी परदे पर गब्बर एक बार फिर वापस आ गया है, इस बार वह विलेन नहीं हीरो है, हालांकि उसके कारनामे एक विलेन की ही तरह हैं लेकिन उसके विलेननुमा करतूतों का ना केवल महिमामंडित किया है बल्कि 'नाम विलेन का, काम हीरो का'जैसे पंच लाइन के साथ उसे स्थापित करने की कोशिश भी की गयी है। शोले फिल्म में गब्बर अगर अपने करतूतों पर शर्मिंदा नहीं भी था तो भी कम से कम उसने नायक बनने की कोशिश नहीं की थी। लेकिन गब्बर इज बैक का गब्बर एलान करता है “ना मैं सरकारी हूँ ना गैर कानूनी, ना मैं कोई नेता हूँ और ना ही कोई टेररिस्ट, काम से हीरो नाम से विलेन हूँ, मैं गब्बर हूँ”।

गब्बर इज बैक 2002 की तमिल फिल्म 'रमन्ना'का रीमेक है। इसका निर्देशन मशहूर दक्षिण भारतीय निर्देशक क्रिश और निर्माण संजय लीला भंसाली ने किया है, फिल्म का मुख्य किरदार कॉलेज प्रोफेसर है जो दिन में पढ़ाने का काम करता है और रात में एक शहरी गुरिल्ला समूह का नेता बन जाता है, उसका भ्रष्टाचार से निपटने का सीधा तरीका है, पहले वह टारगेट विभाग के दस सबसे ज्यादा भ्रष्ट अधिकारियों का लिस्ट बनाकर उनका अपहरण करवाता है फिर उनमें से टॉप करप्ट को मार कर चौराहे पर लटका देता है और बाकि लोगों को फ्री कर देता है, इससे उस विभाग के सभी अधिकारियों में गब्बर का खौफ पैदा हो जाता जिसके डर से वे रिश्वत लेना बंद कर देते हैं, अपने इस काम से वह एक तरह से जनता खासकर युवाओं के बीच हीरो बन जाता है, उसके गुरिल्ला समूह के सदस्य उसके स्टूडेंट्स ही होते हैं। खुद का एंटी करप्शन फोर्स बनाने से पहले अजय (अक्षय कुमार) अपनी गर्भवती पत्नी के साथ आम जिंदगी जी रहा होता है, लेकिन जिस फ्लैट में वह रहा होता है वह खराब जमीन पर बने होने के कारण अचानक भरभरा कर ढह जाता है, इस हादसे में वह अपनी पत्नी को खो देता है, बिल्डर के खिलाफ सबूत होने के बावजूद उसे इन्साफ नहीं मिलता है, अंत में वह इस बिल्डर से बड़ा ब्रांड बनने और उसको मारने में कामयाब हो जाता है, गब्बर को पकड़ने के लिए लगायी गयी पुलिस बेकवूफ़ है और वह ज्यादातर एक कांस्टेबल का मजाक उड़ाने का काम करती है जो उन सबके बीच ज्यादा काबिल और स्मार्ट है क्योंकि उसके पास गब्बर को पकड़ने के लिए ज्यादा अच्छे आईडियाज हैं। फिल्म के आखिरी हिस्से में जब गब्बर को गिरफ्तार कर जेल ले जाया जाता है तो लाखों के संख्या में गब्बर के प्रशंसक पुलिस वैन को चारों ओर से घेर लेते हैं और उसे बेगुनाह घोषित करते हुए रिहा करने की मांग करते हैं। यह भीड़ गब्बर की इतनी बड़ी अंधभक्त होती है कि पुलिस ऑफिसर को गब्बर से रिक्वेस्ट करना पड़ता है कि अपने प्रशंसकों को रास्ता छोड़ने के लिए कहे। इसके बाद पुलिस वैन की छत पर चढ़ने के लिए वह अपनी हथेलियों को आगे करता है ताकि गब्बर ऊपर चढ़ सके। इस सीन के जरिये दिखाया गया है कि कैसे व्यवस्था के लोग भी गब्बर के विचारों से सहमत है,लेकिन कानून से बंधे होने के कारण वह मजबूर है। 

फिल्म का कोई भी किरदार ऐसा नहीं है जो गब्बर और उसके तौर तरीकों को गलत बताता हो। क्लाइमैक्स में कई हत्याओं के दोषी फिल्म के “हीरो को अपने उन्मादी समर्थकों को संबोधित करने का मौका भी दिया जाता है जिसमें वह कहता है कि “मैंने जो किया वह सही है लेकिन जो रास्ता चुना वह गलत है” यहाँ वह अपनी गलती मानते हुए भी अपराधियों को मार कर सड़क पर लटका देने के कृत्य को ग्लेरोफाई करता है। हालांकि उसे फांसी की सजा मिलते हुए दिखाया गया है लेकिन इसमें भी उसे बाकायदा भगत सिंह बनाने की कोशिश की गयी है। फिल्म में केवल एक प्राइवेट संस्था को टारगेट किया गया है और फिल्म का यही हिस्सा वास्तविक और प्रभावी बन पड़ा है, इसमें प्राइवेट अस्पतालों की असंवेदनशीलता और उनका किसी भी कीमत पर मरीज और उसके परिवार के खून का आखरी कतरा तक चूस लेने की लालच को दिखाया गया है। लेकिन अंत में यह एक खतरनाक विचार पर आधारित फिल्म है जो भीड़ तंत्र के न्याय और तानाशाही की वकालत करती है इसमें हमारे समय के कुछ गंभीर मुद्दों को बहुत ही वाहियात तरीके से हल करते हुए दिखाया गया है । कोई कितना बड़ा गुनाहगार क्यों ना हो उसको इस तरह से मार देना गैर कानूनी और बीमार मानसिकता है, इसी तरह से लोगों में खौफ पैदा करने के लिए हत्यायें करना भी आतंकवाद की श्रेणी में आता है। 

गब्बर इज बैक कमाई के मामले में 2015 की सबसे बड़ी ओपनर फिल्म बन कर उभरी है। जो फिल्म के पॉपुलरटी और इसके व्यापक स्वीकारता को दर्शाता है। तो क्या इसका मतलब है कि इसमें दर्शाये गए विचारों की हमारे समाज में व्यापक रूप से स्वीकारता है? शायद ऐसा ही है, जरा याद कीजिये नागालैंड के दीमापुर की घटना जहाँ हजारों की संख्या में उन्मादी भीड़ पहले दीमापुर केंद्रीय जेल को तोड़कर रेप के आरोपी को बाहर निकालती है फिर उसे नंग धडंग करके, पीट-पीट कर अधमरा कर देती है और अंत में उसे चौराहे पर फांसी पर लटका दिया जाता है। इस दौरान मध्युगीन मानसिकता और तौर-तरीकों को मात देती इस भीड़ के आधुनिक मोबाइल / स्मार्ट फोन के कैमरे, जब इस हिला देने वाले कृत्य को कैद करने के लिए चमचमाते है तो एक झटके में हमारे समाज का अँधेरा पक्ष सामने आ जाता है। 

''पचास पचास कोस दूर तक जब कोई रिश्वत लेता है तो सब कहते हैं मत ले वरना गब्बर आ जाएगा''जैसे डायलाग सुनकर अरविन्द केजरीवाल की याद आ जाती है, गब्बर इज बेक और अरविन्द केजरीवाल दोनों का मुख्य थीम भ्रष्टाचार है। उन्होंने पिछले चंद सालों में खुद को भारतीय राजनीति में भ्रष्टाचार के विरुद्ध सबसे बड़े ब्रांड के रूप में स्थापित किया है, वे घोषणा कर रहे हैं कि “ईमानदारी ही मेरी विचारधारा है” यह नायक भी चमत्कारी है जो अपने तीन साल के पोलिटिकल कैरियर में चूका हुआ मान लिए जाने के बावजूद दिल्ली में सत्तर में से सरसठ सीटें जीत कर शानदार वापसी करता है, हर नायक अपने जलवे की कीमत वसूलता है। केजरीवाल भी अपने अधिनायकवादी रूप को सामने लाकर यही कर रहे हैं, फिल्म के एक दृश्य में टेक्सी वाला कहता है कि गब्बर के डर से रिश्वतखोरी कम हो गयी है जिसका उसे बहुत फायदा मिला है जो दिल्ली के ऑटो वालों की कहानियों से मेल खाती हैं। 

आज भारतीय राजनीति में मोदी और केजरीवाल सबसे बड़े ब्रांड है और अब राहुल एक ब्रांड बनने की कोशिश शुरू कर रहे हैं। “ब्रांड मोदी” को बहुत बारीकी से गढ़ा गया है, इसमें विकास और हिन्दुतत्व का परफेक्ट मिश्रण है, मोदी और केजरीवाल को उदारीकरण की पैदाइश, विचारधारा विहीन मध्यवर्ग और नौजवान पीढ़ी का जबरदस्त समर्थन प्राप्त है, यह भ्रष्ट, नाकाबिल और पुराने तौर–तरीकों के हिसाब से सियासत करने वाले राजनीतिज्ञों से उकता चूका है। फिल्म का एक डायलाग है “हमारे ज्यदातर नेता और मंत्री जाहिल और अपराधी हैं”,ध्यान रहे गब्बर इज बैक सिंगल स्क्रीन नहीं मल्टीप्लेक्स को ध्यान में रखकर बनायीं गयी है। इस फिल्म की आडियंस भी मध्य, उच्च मध्यवर्ग, कालेज स्टूडेंट्स हैं, जिनका काफी हद तक गैर-राजनीतिकरण हो चूका, अब इन्हें फैन और अंधभक्त बनाये रखने के इन्तेजाम किये जा रहे हैं । 

अभी तक हमारी मसाला फिल्मों के हीरो आम तौर पर छोटे और स्थानीय क्रिमनल्स को सबक सिखाने या उनसे निजात पाने के लिए कानून हाथ लेते थे,लेकिन इस फिल्म में गब्बर पूरे संस्थान को चैलेंज करता है और उसके समान्तर खुद को अराजकवादी संस्थान रूप खड़ा करने का प्रयास करता है, यह हमारे मध्य और उच्चमध्यवर्ग के उसी सोच का ही तुष्टीकरण है जो समस्याओं को हल करने के लिए “सब को लाइन में खड़ा करके गोली मार देना चाहिए” जैसे ब्रहम सूत्र की वकालत करता है।अच्छे सिनेमा का मकसद समाज की स्याह हिस्से को सामने लाकर उसे आईना दिखाना है गब्बर इस बेक अच्छा सिनेमा नहीं कहा जा सकता है क्योंकि यह खुद उसी स्याही से रंगी हुई है।




A Tribute and a Bibliography: Remembering People’s Historian Amalendu Guha (1924-2015)

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- Bonojit Hussain and Mayur Chetia

স্বৰ্গত ৰুচি নাই, যাওঁ মই ভাটিখানালৈ
জুৱাৰী-মদপী-বেশ্যা-সিহঁতকো মেলত গোটাই
মনৰ চিতাৰ ছাই উৰুৱাই গাওঁ আশাবৰী :
আকাশত উৰা মাৰে জাকে জাকে ফিনিক্স চৰাই !

I have no desire for heaven,
Instead I go to the brewhouse,
Gamblers, drunkards, prostitutes - bringing them together
I sing of hope, sprinkling ashes from my soul’s pyre:
In flocks the phoenix flies to the sky.

- “মোৰ কবিতা / My Poetry” Amalendu Guha 1960

I


Prominent Marxist historian, revolutionary, poet and a litterateur from Assam – Dr. Amalendu Guha – passed away at the age of 91 in the wee hours of 7th May at his humble residence in Guwahati. Remaining true to his rationalist outlook, he had willed in 2005 that his bodily remains should be handed over to Gauhati Medical College for scientific research. Before and during Dr. Guha’s final ride to the Medical College, large numbers of people had gathered to pay their tributes at his residence, Assam Sahitya Sabha office in Cotton College State University premise and Ellora Vigyan Mancha office in Guwahati.

An unwavering pillar of left democratic movements in his home state, although Guha was mostly known as a historian in mainland India, his contributions and presence in the field of poetry and literature are also immense.

He presided over the History conclave and Poetry convention of Axom Sahitya Sabha in 1978 and 1994 respectively. Among his many other writings in Assamese and Bengali, his incisive travelogue on Afghanistan ‘Afghantistanot Ebhumuki’ (A Glance into Afghanistan) published in 1961 is considered to be one of the classics in Assamese travel writing. Apart from a revised edition published in 2002, the book has also been translated into and published in Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Kannada.

Despite publishing only two anthologies of poetry, Guha is counted among the most prominent modern poets of Assam. Guha has earned his place in the annals of Assamese literature as the poet of social consciousness, human sufferings and aspirations. His first anthology, called Luit Parer Gatha (in Bengali) was published in 1955 followed by his second anthology Tomaloi (in Assamese) published in 1960. Both these anthologies are resplendent tribute to Assam and the struggles and aspirations of its people.

In the lines of Neruda, Guha’s poetry resonate the universal themes of dreams, historical consciousness, poverty, political values, love, city life and nature; wherein aesthetics and politics mutually define each other. Markedly an optimist, for him poetry was one form of public salutation (ৰাজহুৱা সম্বোধন). A lover and balladeer of his land, Guha’s Assam is its splendid natural beauty, jhum farming, spring, rose chestnut, rivers, valleys, Oraons, Santhals, Mundas, laboring masses, Naga, Mizo, peaceful Manipur, mridang, cuckoo and weaving girls.

Talking of inspiration, writing in November 2000, Guha reminiscences that “around 1948 Hemanga Biswas gave me to read Pablo Neruda’s famous poem ‘Let the Rail splitters Awake’; inspired by it I wrote and published a long poem in Bengali corresponding to the situation prevailing in Assam as well as the world.” This poem composed and published in 1950 was a 136 lines poem called Luit Parer Gatha which was later used as the title of his first anthology with the same name.

Guha’s old friend Gautam Chattopadhyay recalls that sometimes in 1945 or 1946, when Guha was a BA student in Presidency College, they were travelling in a train to Guntur along with over a hundred fellow activists of Communist Party affiliated All India  Students’ Federation. Amidst discussions on politics and revolution, someone blurted out that “Amalendu writes wonderful poems!” Upon request to recite, tall, dark and lanky with a shock of bushy hair, Guha came forward and recited “Tram” his poem about a imagined journey from a Tram station to Dalhousie Square. The poem ends with this riveting line:

কন্ডাকটর ! বলতে পারতোমার আর আমারসাম্যের আর প্রাচুর্যের পৃথিবীটা কতদুর ?

Conductor! Can you tell us, how far is the world of equality and abundance?

Guha got involved in active left politics at the age of 14 as a high school student when he joined the All India Students’ Federation (Assam unit) in 1938/39, also around that time he started his engagement with Marxist study club “Progressive Union”.

1938 to 1940 was the time when leftist politics started making inroads into Assam. Many students around that time got attracted to Marxist ideas under the influence of Bengali leftists like Soumendranath Tagore, Kamal Ghosh, Biswanath Mukherjee and Amiya Dasgupta who had shifted to Assam for political work. As a result two different Marxist study groups took shape; those under the influence of Soumendranath Tagore gravitated towards “Radical Institute” which was associated with RCPI. Amiya Dasgupta and Kamal Ghosh took the initiative in the formation of “Progressive Union” which was associated with Student Federation. By 1942, during his Intermediate College days, Guha had already started to see himself as a communist. He remained an active member of Student Federation until 1947. He became a member of the Communist Party of India in 1943 and remained active as a party cadre until 1965 when he left his job at Darang College in Tezpur, Assam and moved to Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics in Pune. But he continued his participation in politics and movements till his last years.

During the 1962 Indo-China war, within 15 days of his return to Darang College after finishing his PhD at Indian School of International Studies in Delhi, Assam Government arrested Guha under the Preventive Detention Act. From Tezpur, first he was brought to Nagaon jail and then to Guwahati jail. Within days around 52 inmates were flown in a special plane and shifted to special cells of Behrampur Jail in Orissa and were imprisoned there for six months. Among those 52 were prominent leftist intellectuals and activists of Assam like Bishnu Rabha, Baneswar Saikia, Achintya Bhattacharya, Biresh Misra, Gauri Shankar Bhattacharya, Jiban Kalita and Mohanlal Mukherjee.

In a 2004 interview on his 80th birth anniversary, Guha said that academically he always wanted to be based in Assam but the right prospect never came his way. Despite being one of the best candidates, he was denied a job at the newly established Gauhati University in 1948, and Guha strongly felt that he was denied the job because of his leftist ideology. That very year he joined Darang College, Tezpur, Assam as a lecturer of Economics and taught in the college till 1965. In between, from 1959 to 1962, he did his Phd from Indian School of International Studies, New Delhi and wrote his thesis on ‘Economic Transition in Afghanistan, 1929-1961’. From 1965 to 1973 he worked, first as a Research Fellow and later as a Reader, at the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Econmics in Pune. In 1973 he moved to Centre for Studies in social Science, Calcutta to teach Economic History and retired as a Professor in 1990. In between he also taught at the Delhi School of Economics in the years 1969-1970.

II
As a historian, Guha was primarily known for his work ‘Planters Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam: 1826-1947’ published in 1977.  Till recently, it was the only academically informed work that was available on the region that professional historians could refer to, without hesitation. It was supposed to be a boring, factual and sarkari history of Assam legislative assembly, as part of a plan to write official histories of different provincial and central legislatures of India. It was commissioned by the Indian Council of Historical Research, as per the request of the Education Ministry of the Government of India, to commemorate the 25th anniversary of India’s independence. But with  Guha’s enthusiasm and ICHR director R S Sharma’s full support,  the book turned into a comprehensive history of Assam, touching as diverse topics as the national movement, labour struggles, peasant rebellions, politics of migration, effects of colonial economy  and so on. People have long forgotten the other books published in the series and yet Guha’s book has since become a classic, with thousands of students, researchers and activists still devouring its pages for rare insights and excellent handling of primary sources.


It was Guha’s utter bad luck that his rivals in the vernacular public sphere could neither develop his acute historical sense, nor could understand the significance of developing a philosophy of history writing, let alone his expertise in handling archival materials. So, to counter his substantial critiques of the local middle class elites, crudest forms of allegations were leveled against him. It was said – Guha is critical of ‘our Assamese national icons’, because he is of Bengali origin and worse still – a communist!  However they could never dare ask Guha – what are his ideas about the Bengali elites around Calcutta itself!  Because this way, they would have lost the argument in the hands of the die-hard commie historian, who never minced his words about the bourgeoisie, no matter what is its nationality.

Guha also brought a qualitative change in writing the pre-colonial history of Assam. For different reasons, not all of them related to the academic field, the late 19th and early 20th century nationalist/sub-nationalist historical writings were still dominant in the region before Guha’s arrival. It was Guha who taught us to look for deeper material reasons for processes of historical change; beyond the glory of this or that king, beyond this or that victorious battle of the Ahom commander against the Mughal emperor. Guha presented a hypothesis that in the transition from what he called “tribalism to feudalism” in Assam, the introduction of wet rice cultivation by the migrant Ahom communities played a very important role. He further noted the similarity between the Ahom state and the pre-colonial states in different East Asian countries – such as Burma, Vietnam and Thailand, in terms of their control over the labour, rather than land. In that sense, he said, the Assamese history should be seen in terms of its relationships with these formations, rather than the Mughals or those in Bengal. As recent historians have become more aware of the similarity and links between the North East and the East Asian formations, the original contributions of Guha have become only too palpable. Guha was also the first historian who tried to make a socio-economic analysis of the ‘Moamaria rebellion’ in the late Ahom period, in terms of a peasant uprising, rather than just an instance of religious clashes between different Vaishnava lineages.

However, it would be totally wrong to say that he was a historian of Assam alone. He touched upon numerous historical fields – often making pioneering or important contributions.  He wrote on Parsi Seths’ historical roles, India’s nationality question, economic history of Afghanistan, Mughal economy, colonial economy of India and so on.

In a pioneering series of three articles published during 1970 and 1984 in the journal Economic and Political Weekly, Guha elucidated about the roots, entrepreneurship and the comprador role of the Parsi Seths during the period 1750 to 1918. The Parsis were a late entrant into the world of trade and finance compared to other communities like the Chettiars, Bohras and Gujarati – Marwari Banias, but the Parsis were the earliest to make foray into modern industries and were able to maintain that lead until the end of the First World War. Various social scientists from diverse disciples and schools had explained the ‘successes’ of the Parsis by pointing out their acceptability to British patrons as stable collaborators, their lack of caste prejudices, their production-oriented peasant-artisanal background, and some tried to explain it through the Weberian framework of religious work ethics. Guha was perhaps the first to try and explain the Parsi success story ‘in terms of the productive forces and relations inherent in the situation, both intra-societal and extra-societal, rather than of ethnic qualities, value systems or other factors that were purely external.’

Through another set of important articles on Raw Cotton production in Western/India from 1750 to 1901, published in the journals Indian Economic and Social History Review and Artha Vijnana in 1972 and 1973, Guha made important contributions to the ‘de-industrialisation’ debate in India. On the basis of the working estimates of cotton acreage arrived at through this set of papers, Guha proposed further research “to be extended to several new directions for a proper understanding of the nineteenth-century Indian economy.”

Years later, in 1985, in a critical review of the ‘Cambridge Economic History of India Vol-II’, Prof. Irfan Habib writes:

“… For Western India, Divekar’s finding is the same as that of Dharma Kumar: the weavers’ real earnings fell ‘considerably’ between 1820s and 1840s. He also finds a decline in the number of looms though he gives numbers for only one place in the Bijapur district.
A more definitive result comes from Amalendu Guha’s calculations. He made an attempt to estimate handloom production by estimating raw-cotton production, reduced by the volume of exports and consumption in weaving factories. He found that the net availability of cotton yarn (including imported and machine-spun yarn) for handloom industry declined from 419 million Ibs in 1850 to 240 Ibs in 1870 and 184 or 221 million Ibs in 1900.”

It’s not as if he has done primary work on all these fields. Rather, in between a review of an article or a book, he would drop some extremely valuable insights about the theme and young scholars would devour and established scholars would take notice of these brief and yet extremely erudite comments.

One such book review by Guha, published in the journal Indian Economic and Social History Review in 1970, was of Peter Mathias’ book published in 1969 ‘The First Industrial Nation: An Economic History of Britain’. Mathias suggested that while foreign and colonial trade provided a strong boost to Britian’s industrial expansion for quite some time till 1750 and also after 1783, it “does not appear to have been as important a trigger – mechanism relative at least to the internal market”. Guha in his review opined that it is difficult to accept this conclusion by Mathias despite the fact that the internal market was several times bigger than the external market. Guha argued that to understand better British capital formation, rather than compare volumes of internal and external markets, it would be more fruitful to compare surpluses derived from the colonies with surplus generated within Britain.

Taking note of Guha’s argument in the review, foremost historian of the Annales School Fernand Braudel wrote in his book The Perspective of the World: Civilization and Capitalism, Vol-3 (page 581) wrote:

… Indeed I recognize the force of the argument advanced by the Indian historian Amalendu Guha, who suggests that rather than compare totals, we compare surpluses – that is the surpluses England derived from India and the surplus savings in England which went into investment. According to various calculations, English investments amounted to about £6 million in 1750 (5% of GNP) and to £19 million in 1810 (7%). Set alongside these figures, are the £2 million every year from India between 1750 and 1800 so very insignificant? We do not know in details how this money, the profits from India (in particular the wealth of the nabobs), was distributed throughout the British economy. But it was certainly neither wasted nor inactive. It went to raise the level of wealth of the island ingeneral; and it was upon such levels of wealth that England’s triumphs rested.

III
During the heyday of the Assam Movement (1979-85), the publication of an article titled ‘Cudgel of Chauvinism’ (February 23, 1980) by Dr. Hiren Gohain initiated a lively debate in the pages of the journal Economic and Political Weekly on the nature, content and rationale of the Assam Movement; a debate that came to be known as the “Nationality Question in Assam: The EPW Debate” and was later edited into a book by Prof. Abu Nasar Saied Ahmed (Omeo Kumar Das Institute, Guwahati).

Although the debate started with Dr. Gohain’s article, it was Guha prominent article ‘Little Nationalism Turned Chauvinist: Assam’s Anti-Foreigner Upsurge, 1979-80’ (Special Number, October, 1980) that became the central foci of the debate on the whole issue. Apart from Gohain and Guha, the debate drew rigorous input from Gail Omvedt, Lila Bara, Sanjib Baruah, Tilottama Misra and Udayon Misra. Guha further contributed to the debate with a substantial reply and a summing up.

Apart from focusing specifically on Assam, Guha also wrote several articles on the Nationality Question in India in general; most notably Indian National Question: A Conceptual Frame’ and ‘Nationalism: Pan Indian and Regional in a Historical Perspective’.

According to Prabhat Patnaik, Guha’s essay ‘The Indian national question: A conceptual frame’ should be regarded as one of the best works of ‘Indian Marxism’. Such over-enthusiasm, it seems, is not necessary. The kind of dual consciousness that Guha talks about – one national and one regional – that all Indians supposedly have – cannot be guaranteed all the time. Rather, the essay seems like a poor attempt to adapt or imitate Stalin’s dictums on the nationality question. But even in such failures, one can see a very humane side of the old commie historian.  A man who came to communism in 1940’s and 50’s – India meant something completely different from what it means today. India at that time was seen as a legitimate entity – forged in the struggle against colonialism. That one day India might become synonymous with a brutal repressive machine, hell bent on repressing any kind of nationality aspirations, was not imaginable in the hearts and minds of that generation. Breaking up of India – would be a terrible dream for this generation. The only alternative could be – an alternative to bourgeois India –a socialist one. Thus wrote Guha, when he was still a young man in late 1940’s, in a jubilant poem:

দেবে জান, তবু ধান দেবে না কিষাণ!
অর্ধনগ্ন মানুষের দখলি নিশান,
উড়বেই জেনো ঠিক হাজার বাগানে!
ভীষন নামবর বন প্রাণ পাবে গেরিলার গানে!
শত্রুর শিবিরে ঢুকে মাথা কাটা ভোলেনি নাগা-রা!
এখনও অকেজো নষ ডফলার বিষমাখা তীর!
শহীদ বীণার রক্ত নালিয়াপুলের ঘাসে আজও জেগে আছে,
উদ্বত শপথ আজও প্রতিশোধ খোজে !

The peasants would lay down their live but will not part with their paddy.
Half-naked workers' flag of occupation
shall flutter with certainty in thousand plantations.
The deep Nambar forest shall.reverberate with life from the song of guerillas.
The Nagas have not yet forgotten how to raid and behead the enemy.
The poisoned arrows of the Dafla are still not purposeless.
Shaheed Bina's blood is still alive on the grass of Naliapool,
Our oath still cries out for revenge.

- "লুইত পারের গাথা / Verse from the Bank of Luit" Amalendu Guha 1949/50

We offer our last tribute to this lifelong communist, peoples’ historian and life-affirming poet.
**********
A Bibliography (Non-exhaustive): Amalendu Guha’s work since 1948

[Note: Originally compiled by the editors of Aitihya Aru Itihash: Amalendu Guha Abhinandan Grantha, later the bibliography was expanded by the authors of this tribute.]

Books

Central Asia: Movement of Peoples and Ideas from Times Prehistoric to Modern (Edited: Indian Council of Cultural Relations, New Delhi, 1970 / New York, 1971)

Planter-Raj to Swaraj: Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam 1826-1947 (Indian Council for Historical Research, New Delhi, 1977, Reprint: 1988. Second edition: Tulika Publications, New Delhi, 2006)

Medieval and Early Colonial Assam: Society, Polity and Economy (Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, 1991)

Jamindarkalin Goalpara Jilar Artha-Samajik Awastha: Eti Oitihasik Dristipat (in Assamese, Dhubri, 1984; Reprint:  Guwahati, 2001)

Asam Namare Amio Namaro (in Assamese, Guwahati, 1993)

Baishnav Badar Para Mayamaria Bidrohalai (in Assamese, Guwahati, 1993)

Asamar Itihas: Adhyayan Aur Rachana (in Assamese, Guwahati, 1994)

Luit Parer Gatha (Collection of poetry in Bengali, Calcutta, 1955)

Tomaloi (collection of Poetry in Assamese, Calcutta, 1960; 5th Edition, Guwahati, 2000)

Soviet Deshat Ebhumuki (Travelogue in Assamese, Calcutta, 1958)

Afghanistanat Ebhumuki (Travelogue in Assamese, Calcutta, 1961, Reprint: 1968; Revised edition: Guwahati, 2002)

Afghanistan (Translated into Malayalam by S. Krishna Pillai, Vidyarthi Mithram Press Book Depot, Kottayam, 1966)

Afghanistan (Translated into Telegu by S.V Subhaya, Kaviraj Publishers, Tenali, 1967)

[The Southern Languages Book Trust, Madras helped the publication of Afghanistan not only in Malayalam and Telegu but also in Tamil and kannada.]

Prasannalal Chaudhurir Chenaki Kavita (Compiled/edited: Calcutta, 1965)

Translated in Bengali (Jointly with Dr. Anima Guha), Syed Abdul Malik, Surujmukhir Swapna (National Book Trust, Delhi)

Articles

“A Peep through 19th Century Assam: Haliram and Jagnaram”, Assam Tribune (Guahati), Independence Special Issue, 15 August, 1948.

“A Peep through 19th Century Assam: Maniram Dewan”, Assam Tribune (Guahati), Independence Special Issue, 15 August, 1949.

 “Role of Sankardev in Assam”, Assam Tribune (Guahati), 18th April, 1950.

“The Moamaria Revolution: Was it a Class War? Assam Tribune (Guahati), 18th October, 1950.

“Slavery in Assam”, Modern Review (Calcutta), April, 1950.

“Rise of Capitalistic Enterprises in Afghanistan”, Indian Economic and Social History Review (Delhi), Vol-1, October-December, 1963.

“Economic Development of Afghanistan: 1929-1961”, International Studies (New Delhi), Vol-6, April, 1965.

“Socio-Economic Survey of a Suburban Village of Tezpur in 1965”, Journal of Guahati University, Vol-16-17, 1965-1966.

“Land Rights and Social Classes in Medieval Assam”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-3, September, 1966.

“Ahom Migration: It’s Impact on the Rice Economy of Medieval Assam”, Arthavijnana (Pune), Vol-9, June 1967.

“The Economy of Afghanistan during Amanullah’s Reign: 1919-1929”, International Studies, Vol-9, October, 1967.

“Colonisation of Assam: Second Phase 1840-59”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-4, December 1967.

“Colonisation of Assam: Years of Transitional Crisis 1825-1840”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-5, June, 1968.

“A Big Push without a Take-off: A Case Study of Assam 1871-1901”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-5, September, 1968.

“Karl Marx and the Drain Theory”, Arthavijnana, Vol-10, September-December, 1968.

“Planning for India’s Northeast Region: An Approach”, in Govt. of Kerala, Alternative Policies for the Fourth Five Year Plan (State Planning Board, Govt. of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1968).

“Socio-Economic change in Agrarian Assam”, in M.K Choudhari,eds.,Trends in Socio-Economic Change in India (Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla, 1969).

“Central Asian Economic Relations: Their Impact on 20th Century Afghanistan”, in Amalendu Guha eds., Central Asia: Movement of Peoples and Ideas from Times Prehistoric to Modern (Indian Council of Cultural Relations, New Delhi, 1970 / New York, 1971).

“The McMohan Line in contemporary History” in M.S Rajan, eds. Studies in Politics: National and International (Delhi/London, 1970).

“The Parsi Seths as Entrepreneurs: 1750-1850”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-5, 29th August, 1970.

“The Comprador Role of Parsi Seths: 1750-1850”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-5, 28th November, 1970.

“Raw Cotton of Western India: Output, transportation and Marketing 1750-1850”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-9, March, 1972.

“Impact of Bengal Renaissance on Assam 1825-1875”, ”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-9, September 1972; also in B. De eds., Essays in Honour of Prof. S.C Sarkar (New Delhi, 1976)

“Raw Cotton of Western India: A Reply”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-10, January, 1973.

Co-authored, “Origins of Assamese Middle Class: A Comment”, Social Scientist, Vol-2, January-February, 1974.

“Growth of Acreage under Raw Cotton in India 1851-1901: A Quantitative Account”, Arthavijnana, Vol-15, March, 1973.

“Geography Behind History: An Introduction to the Socio-Economic Study of Northeast India”, Northeastern Affairs (Shillong), Annual Number, 1973; and also in Professor D.D Kosambi Commemoration Volume: Science and Human Progress (Bombay, 1974).

“Tribalism to Feudalism in Assam 1600-1750”, Indian Historical Review, Vol-1, March, 1974.

“A Big Push without a Take-off: A Case of Assam 1871-1901 – A Reply”, ”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-11, December, 1974.

“Marxist Approach to Indian History: A Framework”, in M. Kurien eds., India State and Society (Madras, 1975).

Co-authored, “Regional Development and the National Question in Northeast India”, Social Scientists, Vol-4, August, 1975; also in B. Datta-Ray eds., Social and Economic Profile in the northeast India (Calcutta, 1981).

“Formation of a Working Class in Assam Plantation: A Study in Retrospect”, Northeastern Affairs, Vol-5, Annual Number, 1976; also in Northeast India council for Social Science, Shillong, Problems of Tea Industry in Northeast India (Calcutta, 1981).

“East Bengal Immigrants and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani in Assam Politics 1928-47”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-13, October-December, 1976.

“Peasant Movement and Assam Politics in the 1930s”, Journal of Historical Research (University of Dibrugarh), Vol-2, March, 1977.

“Imperialism of Opium in Assam 1773-1921”, Calcutta Historical Research, Vol-1, January-June, 1977.

“Foreign and Indian Merchant Capital: Its Impact on Pre-Colonial Bengal”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-11, 28th August, 1976.

“Lenin on the Agrarian Question: Annotated Bibliography”, Social Scientist, Vol-5, April, 1977.

“Immigrants and autochthons in a Plural Society: Their Interrelations in Brahmaputra Valley”, in S.M Dubey eds., Northeast India: A Sociological Study (Delhi, 1978).

"Assamese Peasant Society in the Late Nineteenth Century: Structure and Trend.” CSSSC Occasional Papers, Number 25, 1979.

“Great Nationalism, Little Nationalism and the Problem of Integration”, Economic and Political weekly, Vol-14, Annual Number, February, 1979.

“Assamese Agrarian Society in the 19th Century: Roots, Structures and Trends”, Indian Economic and History Review, Vol-17, January-March, 1980.

“Little Nationalism Turned Chauvinist: Assam’s Anti-foreigner Upsurge 1979-1980”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-15, Special Number, October, 1980.

“Little Nationalism Turned Chauvinist – A Reply”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-16, No-17, April 1981.

“Little Nationalism Turned Chauvinist – A Summing Up”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-16, No-21, May 1981.

“Medieval Economy of Assam” in Tapan Raichauduri and Irfan Habib eds., Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol-1: C.1200 – C.1750 (London, 1982).

“A Historiographical Perspective for Northeast India”, (Presidential Address, Second Annual Conference, Northeast India History Association, held in Dibrugarh University, 25th – 27th September, 1981). Published in Man in India (Ranchi), Vol-62, September, 1982.

“The Ahom Political System: An Enquiry into the State Formation Process in Medieval Assam 1228-1780, Social Scientist, Vol-11, December, 1980; also in Surajit Sinha eds., Tribal Politics and State systems in Precolonial Eastern & Northeastern India, Calcutta, 1987.

“Indian National Question: A Conceptual Frame”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-17, Special Number, 31st July, 1982.

“Zamindars, Jotedars and Peasants in Bengal”, The Book Review, Vol-5, January-February, 1981.

“Language Politics in Northeast India: The Background”, in Mrinal Miri eds., Linguistic Situation in Northeast India, Shillong, 1982.

“Ideological Roots of the Permanent Settlement”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-17, 9th October, 1982.

"More About Parsi Seths: Their Roots, Entrepreneurship and Comprador Role 1650-1918", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-19, 21st January, 1984; also in D. Tripathi eds., Business Communities of India: A Historical Perspective, Delhi, 1984.

“Nationalism: Pan Indian and Regional in a Historical Perspective”, (Presidential Address to the Modern Indian History Section, Indian History Congress, Burdwan, 1983). Published in Social Scientist, Vol-12, February, 1984.

“Pre-Ahom Roots and the Medieval State in Assam: A Reply”, Social Scientist, Vol-12, June, 1984.

Co-authored, “The 1983 Assam Assembly Poll: An analysis of its Background and Implications”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-20, 11th May, 1985.

 “Neo-Vaishnavism to Insurgency: Peasant Uprising and the Crisis of Feudalism in Late 18th Century Assam”, in Ashok Mitra eds., The Truth Unites: Essays in Tribute to Samar Sen, Calcutta, 1985.

“Dupleix’s Trade Mission to Assam 1738-40”, in Proceedings of North East India History Association, (6th Session, Agartala, 1985).

“The decline of the Ahom kingdom of Assam: 1765-1826”, CSSSC Occasional Paper No. 84. Calcutta, 1986.

“The Decline of India’s Cotton Handicraft, 1800-1905: A Quantitative Macro-Study”, CSSSC Occasional Paper No. 117, Calcutta 1989.

"Ethnic process in India with a special reference to Assam'."Proceedings of Northeast India History Association, 1989.

Book Reviews

“Book Review: The First Industrial Nation: An Economic History of Britain by Peter Mathias”, Indian Social and Economic History Review, Vol-7, No-3, July 1970.

“Book Review: Agricultural Development in Nepal by Y.P. Pant and S.C. Jain. Vora”, India Quarterly, Vol-26, July, 1970.

“Progressive Imperialism – A Review of The Apotheosis of Imperialism: Indian Land Economy under Curzon, 1899-1905 by V. C. Bhutani”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-12, 14th May, 1977.

“Bureaucracy and the Ruling Class - A Review of The Bureaucracy in India: A Historical Analysis of Development upto 1974 by B B Misra”, Economic and Political Weekly, vol-12, 2 July, 1977.

“Political Economy of Indian Nationalism: 19th Century Roots – A Review of Indian Economic Thought: Nineteenth Century Perspectives by B. N. Ganguli”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-12, 26th November, 1977.

“Politics of Gandhi Era - A Review of Congress and the Raj: Facets of the Indian Struggle 1917-47 by D. A. Low”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-13, 26th August, 1978.

“New Imperialism Re-examined: Britain in the Scramble for Southeast Asia – Review of British Trade and Expansion in Southeast Asia, 1830-1914 by D. R. SarDesai”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-13, and 11th November, 1978.

“A Colourless Chronicle – A Review of Orissa State Legislature and Freedom Struggle by Kishori Mohan Patra”, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol-14, 17th November, 1979.

“Book Review: Class Formation in a Plantation System by Sharit Bhowmik”, Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol-19, July, 1982.

“Book Review: India and Afghanistan: A Study in Diplomatic Relations 1876–1907 by D.P Singhal”, India Quarterly, Vol-40, July, 1984.
**********
Bonojit Hussain is a Delhi based independent researcher. Mayur Chetia is a research scholar at Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Both are also activists associated with New Socialist Initiative (NSI).

No To Ambedkar-Periyar in ‘Modern Day Agraharam’?

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- Subhash Gatade
Whether discussing issues of contemporary concern among students, raising debates around them on the campus – taking inspiration from the ideas of leading social revolutionaries of 20th century – should be construed as an act of creating ‘social disharmony’ or ‘spreading hatred’ ?
Any sane person would rather reject this weird proposal but it appears that the bureaucrats in the Ministry of Human Resources Development (MHRD) think otherwise. It was evident in the way they acted on an anonymous complaint regarding the activities of a group of students in IIT Madras which calls itself ‘Ambedkar-Periyar Study Circle’ (APSC) – which comprises mainly of dalitbahujan andadivasi students. Perhaps they were worried that the particular students group, has been critical about PM Modi’s policies and has been raising issues of caste, communalism as well as corporate loot of resources and challenging the ‘development’ narrative which is popular these days among a section of people. The impetuosity with which they acted when they wrote to the management of the Institute can also be gauged from the fact that in this process they violated the recommendations of the CVC (Central Vigilance Commission) itself which has ‘barred’ organisations from taking action on such (anonymous) complaints.
As of now the issue of ‘derecognition’ of APSC by the IITM management, has snowballed into a major controversy, with issues of curtailment of freedom of expression, infringement of autonomy of educational institutions and dominance of caste in higher education all coming to the fore. There have been demonstrations in Madras/Chennai and other major cities protesting this arbitrary clamping down on a student’s group. There are reports that students from other institutions like Mumbai, Delhi and Kharagpur have come forward to form similar groups on their campuses to express their solidarity with them.
The way this issue has unfolded has also caused unease in the academic world in the west also and one learns that Prof Mumford, president of the International Mathematical Union and a former Harvard University professor, – who has been a regular visitor to the IITM campus – expressed his displeasure over the developments there in a mail. He has reminded the management that
 “..[c]ampuses must allow open discussion of divisive issues even when it offends some people so that all its aspects are out in the open. Today’s youth are tomorrow’s leaders and one wants them to think deeply about the direction to which we are headed.”
It is true that neither the ministry nor the management had expected that this move would be met with any resistance. Their assessment must have been that this ‘derecognition’ would give a signal to all dissenting voices on different campuses to either fall in line or face consequences. Taken aback by the strong reaction, they do not know how to wriggle themselves out of the situation.
According to reports the Smriti Irani led MHRD is at pains to explain that it did not try to dictate terms to the management of the IITM, and had nothing to do with this ‘clamping down’. It also wants to assure its detractors that it respects the autonomy of academic institutions. It is a different matter that there are no takers of this ‘line’ in the academic world. People are aware that the same ministry which felt concerned about activities of APSC has been a silent spectator about the activities of other right-wing Hindutva groups on the same campus, who have been spreading irrational ideas, superstitions and have no qualms in inviting controversial Gurus on the campus, freely using IIT’s name and resources. An idea of the activities such groups take up can be had from ‘Vivekananda Study circle’ (VSC) which was founded in late 90’s which has held talks which advocate Intelligent design and which claim the existence of Quantum Physics in Vedic Sciences. Forget action or censure, such organizations receive complete support of IIT administration.
Of course, it is not for the first time that actions by Ms Irani’s ministry have caused consternation on the campuses. Few months back, acting on representation from a RSS worker in Madhya Pradesh, it had taken the unusual step of policing university campuses to find out what was cooking in their kitchen. The directors of all IITs and IIMs were sent letters seeking details of cooking and catering arrangements in their institutions, and directing them to send “action taken’’ report on RSS swayamsevaks’ demand for separate dining halls for vegetarian and non-vegetarian students on grounds that “these institutes are spreading bad culture from the West (“kusanskar”) and causing grief to the parents’’.
Not some time ago the same ministry again caught itself on wrong foot when Director of IIT Delhi resigned supposedly to express his displeasure over the pressures brought on him allegedly at the behest of the top bosses. It was rumoured that there was pressure on him to ‘allot’ IIT’s playground to a Cricket academy run by someone close to the corridors of power and he had refused to oblige.
Anyone who has closely followed the trajectory of this government which is becoming more and more infamous for violating procedures/processes, bypassing institutions and challenging established norms of governance would not be shocked about the present turn of events in IITM. And let me admit that it would be ‘unfair’ to single out MHRD for such arbitrary action. This is part of new culture which is being fostered these days. Few days back this same government ‘appointed’ an information officer as director of DD news, asked her to report directly to the IB ministry, completely bypassing the Prasar Bharati, which is the only authorised body to make such appointments and thus signalling that the autonomy of Prasar Bharati under the Modi dispensation can henceforth RIP (rest in peace).
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It is important to emphasise that the ‘derecognition’ of Ambedkar-Periyar Study Circle has rightly raised the issue of shrinking of democratic spaces on the campuses, growing attacks on freedom of expression and the Modi led government’s attempts to bulldoze every such voice which is not ready to join the team of its cheerleaders. Interestingly not much attention has been paid to two important related issues: one concerns RSS’s vision of ‘Indianisation’ of education and the prevalence of casteism in higher education.
The RSS mouthpiece ‘Organiser’ has in its latest editorial tried to lay down afresh its vision of ‘Transforming Education’ where it emphasises Indianising education ‘based on our socio-cultural roots is the only way to transform India’s population into a human development hub’. Blaming the British for imparting an education which was a ‘design’ to uproot Indians from their traditional knowledge system, it says :
“The system they created was mainly to run the state machinery as per their convenience..The corollary of this British legacy is, we lost the treasure and technique of our knowledge, creation and application.”
The editorial adds, the Indian education system is “neither here and there” As a result, the graduates are “not productive in applied world” and the high performing professionals are “socially and morally disconnected”.
Anybody who has a faint acquaintance with India’s history would know how under the traditional system of knowledge, education was denied to a large majority of people belonging to the depressed castes and even women and was a preserve of the upper castes only and this system was sanctified by religion. The Hindu edict ‘Manusmriti’ had even enacted strict penalties for someone who violated such stipulations. And it is a fact of history that only after the advent of Britishers, the traditional system started cracking up and with the adoption of Constitution by independent India when discriminations of various kinds were abolished and affirmative action programmes were launched for providing opportunities to the socially oppressed castes in education and employment, one witnessed qualitative change in the situation of such sections.
The fascination of RSS with the ‘traditional system of education’ and ‘treasure of our knowledge and creation’ is nothing new. In fact there is enough documentary evidence to prove that it consistently opposed adoption of modern constitution based on one wo/man and one vote and had wanted the same Manusmriti as its substitute. Golwalkar Guruji, the then Supremo of RSS and Savarkar, pioneer of the ‘Hindutva’ idea both had opposed this process of making a new constitution and had ‘glorified’ virtues of Manusmriti then. Looking back one can see that if RSS would have been strong enough then and founders of the Constitution could have been persuaded to stick to the RSS plan, the situation of the socially oppressed sections would have remained as it is. There would have been hardly any dalit, adivasi or bahujan or women in all these elite institutions.
RSS needs to ask itself whether it wants to revert to similar mode and legitimise the denial of opportunities to these sections.
It is important to raise this question because despite sixty plus year of affirmative action programme at various levels, the issue of caste related exclusions and related discriminations still persists in our daily lives and ironically on the campuses of the elite institutions like the IITs, IIMs or AIIMS. And IITM happens to be worst performers as far as implementing policies of reservation is concerned.
Few years back ‘Tehelka’ had done a story on ‘Caste in Campus : Dalits not Welcome in IIT Madras’  which had provided details about the ‘[h]andful of Dalit students and faculty members at the elite institute, but they face widespread discrimination and harassment.”According to the report :
” [i]nstitute like IIT Madras has parted with only a fraction of the 22.5 percent quota for students belonging to the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and the Scheduled Tribes (STs). According to information provided by the institute’s deputy registrar, Dr K. Panchalan, in September 2005, Dalits accounted for only 11.9 percent of the number of students. They were even fewer in the higher courses — 2.3 percent in ms (Research) and 5.8 percent in Ph.D. Out of a total of 4,687 students, Dalits made up only 559.Activists who have been fighting for proper implementation of reservations for Dalits describe IIT Madras as a modern day agraharam — a Brahmin enclave.
The same denial was evident in the field of jobs also.
.Another serious charge against the institute is that successive directors have flouted rules in appointing faculty members, and do not advertise vacancies in newspapers.
It also told ‘how the majority of the 460 faculty members and students here are Brahmins.’  Ms Vasantha Kandasamy, assistant professor in the Mathematics department, had then told the reporter that there were just four Dalits among the institute’s entire faculty, a meagre 0.86 percent of the total faculty strength.Interestingly, this startling exposure and also news of similar situation in other IITs did not cause any uproar. The news just died down.
If we look at IITM today, one notices that there has not been any qualitative change in the situation. In an interview to IndiaResists one of the members of the Ambedkar – Periyar Study Circle explains the dominance of caste in the IITM. According to him as per a recent RTI, 87 percent of faculties are from forward caste. In last seven years only 3 ST students have been admitted to the MS program.
Could it be then said that the vengeance with which the IIITM clamped down on the activities of APSC has something to do with the synergy which exists between people with Varna mindset and peddlers of the exclusionary ideology of Hindutva? Could it be then said that it just reflects the ‘anger’ of the dominant sections towards every act of assertion from the subaltern sections ?
Looking back, cheerleaders of the Modi brigade would surmise that the effective banning of a group of students which takes inspiration from Ambedkar and Periyar, has come up at a wrong time. It has not only put a spanner in the ‘celebrations of one year of Acche Din‘ but has also punctured the careful attempts by Sangh Parivar and its affiliated organisations to appropriate Ambedkar by portraying him as a Hindu Social Reformer.
This episode has also witnessed a coming together of Ambedkarite, Periyarist and leftists of various hues along with people, formations fighting for deepening of democracy and strengthening of secularism in this country. And it would not be an exaggeration to state that emergence of such a rainbow coalition is a warning signal for this ‘Suit boot ki Sarkar’.
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Subhash Gatade is a New Socialist Initiative (NSI) activist. He is also the author of 'Godse's Children: Hindutva Terror in India' ; 'The Saffron Condition: The Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neoliberal India' and 'The Ambedkar Question in 20th Century' (in Hindi).

FTII Protests in Delhi on 3rd August 2015: Resist the Attack on Higher Education

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JOIN THE STRUGGLE AGAINST SAFFRONISATION! 
RESIST THE ATTACK ON HIGHER EDUCATION!

Friends,

For the last 52 days, Film and Television Institute of India (FTII) students, are on strike against the questionable appointments made in the apex decision making body of FTII - The FTII Society.

The strike has brought into focus a trend of appointments of highly unqualified individuals associated with RSS and BJP The recent appointments at institutions like NFDC, CFSI, & CBFC have already started to affect independent critical & artistic endeavors on issues faced by the country. Nalanda university, ICHR, IIT, NBT, ICCR, ICHR, NCERT, TIFR & IIMs are all resisting governments interference in academics and governance.

FTII continues to persist despite the underhand tactics like threats of expulsion, flimsy FIRs against the students, vandalism and relentless character assassination of the students and the institution.

The voice of the students at FTII has resonated with other students, artists, filmmakers, cultural organizations, civil rights and political groups across the country that have openly come out in support. Support for the students is pouring in from a plethora of cities and centers every day. International students and mainstream media, alarmed at the developments, have started registering their support. 

In midst of it all, FTII students has decided to take our democratic protest to the streets of Delhi

100+ students from FTII will lead a march from Jantar Mantar to the Parliament Street, at 2pm on 3rd of August.

We call out to all the students, youth, parents, artists, educators, everyone who is concerned about the institutions of higher education & throttling of independent & critical voices in our country. This is a call to all who value spaces where rational, reasonable and scholarly debate can happen. Where voices critical of majority are not labelled as 'anti hindu' ,where a certain variety of nationalism is not forced upon people. We urge people, from all walks of life who are concerned and alarmed by the 'environment of fear' where any criticism is simply not allowed, to come out vociferously in support of the students and join them in this march which represents a historic struggle for the sake of preserving academic autonomy and the universal tenets of freedom of thought, expression and right to criticise and dissent. 

On 3rd each voice will be standing for the fight to save our institutions from undemocratic and fascist forces.

JOIN US AT JANTAR MANTAR, 2 pm , 3rd August (MONDAY).

"NOTHING STRENGTHENS AUTHORITY SO MUCH AS SILENCE" - Albert Einstein

warmly

FTII STUDENTS' ASSOCIATION

[Mukto-Mona Statement] On Murder of Bangladeshi Atheist Blogger and Activist Niloy Neel

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Image courtesy: Daily Star, 8th August edition, Dhaka


Following the murders of Rajeeb Haider, Avijit Roy, Washiqur Rahmna, and Ananta Bijoy Das, today, the Mukto-Mona writer, blogger, and activist Niloy Neel has been hacked to death. He wrote in Mutko-Mona as well as in Istishon, and Facebook under the name of “Niloy Neel” (twitter: #NiloyNeel). In addition to writing, Niloy Neel was involved in various social justice movements and was the founder of the Bangladesh Science and Rationalists Association.

Ansar Al Islam, the Bangladesh branch of Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) has claimed responsibility for murdering Niloy Neel in his own home, in front of his family, because of his writing. The fundamentalists continue in their tradition of responding to the pen with machetes; the government of Bangladesh continues to supply the fundamentalists with all that is necessary to keep their machetes honed. One by one the enlightened, the freethinking writers, and activists of Bangladesh, are being brutally murdered. Their only crime is taking a stand against injustice, and superstitions prevalent in society. A machete may kill, in a cowardly manner, a human being of flesh and bone; it cannot kill their ideology. Our fight will continue. With all our strength we will continue to speak our minds, our dreams. For as long as there is even a single member of the freethinking community alive; for as long as a single sentence written by freethinking writers survives.

Niloy Neel’s FB status regarding lack of safety:
“Two men were following me two days ago. This happened when I was on my way back from attending the rally organized to protest “The Murder of Ananta Bijoy Das.” First, when I reached a certain place via public bus, they came with me to the same spot. Then, when I got on to a Laguna to reach my destination, one of them climbed aboard the Laguna with me. On the Laguna I realized this was the same guy who was on the bus with me, but there were two of them then. I thought to myself, well, it’s possible; perhaps one of them was going somewhere else so he took a different route.
Until then it seemed as usual. But on the Laguna, the young man was continually texting from his cellphone which made me suspicious. When I exited the Laguna before I reached my actual destination, he got off with me. I was quite scared, and hurried into a unfamiliar alley. Later when I looked back, I noticed that another young man, who had also been on the bus, had joined this young man, and they had not followed me into the alley; they were waiting at the alley entrance. Then I was quite certain that I was being followed. Because even if their destination was the same, they reached their through separate routes, following me. I went farther into the alley, and took a rickshaw keeping the hood up, and traveled to my destination. I reached in apparent safety with the help of a friend nearby.
When I tried to lodge a General Diary about this incident, I faced an even more bizarre situation. A police officer had told me in confidence that the police do not want to accept General Diaries like this because the officer who accepted such a General Diary, related to the personal safety of an individual, remains accountable to ensure the personal safety of said individual. If the said individual faces any difficulty, then the relevant police officer may even lose his job for negligence in duty. This is what I saw when I visited the thanas to file a General Diary. When the surveillance on me had occurred, I had had to pass by several thanas, and so today when I visited one that had been in the vicinity, they refused to accept my General Diary. They told me this isn’t under our jurisdiction, go to this other thana, it’s their jurisdiction, and also, leave the country as soon as possible.”
On May 15, 2015, Niloy had been followed by some people when he was returning from participating in a protest rally for the murder of Ananta Bijoy Das. When he realized what was happening, he had gone to the police station to file a General Diary (GD). His GD was not accepted. He posted in detail about this incident on Facebook, where he expressed fear that his life was under threat. With his life he has proved that people who are atheists, non-religionists, secular, anti-fundamentalist, and pro-freedom-of-speech are not safe in Bangladesh; as if they have no other choice than to leave their country. They are not safe even in their own homes—Niloy Neel was murdered in his house. One man gained entrance to his house by pretending to be there to rent an apartment; then others entered, locked everyone in the house in one room, while hacking Niloy to death in the other. Niloy died right there; his blood spattered over all the books he loved, his computer.

The Mukto-Mona family will always remain by the side of Niloy Neel’s family. The pain of losing a child or a husband in this untimely and brutal manner is not to be forgotten. But know that there are thousands of us beside you—and we will be there forever. To send any information about Niloy Neel, and for Niloy’s family to contact Mukto-Mona for any support, please write to: contact@mukto-mona.com

Mutkto-Mona strongly condemns the continuing murders of writers, bloggers, and humanists. We call to the government of Bangladesh: Do not pander to fundamentalism anymore. Because no state has been spared by compromising with fundamentalists. Take immediate and effective steps to quell fundamentalism, and to create public awareness against it.

Photo courtesy: Nirapad News


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Mukto-Mona is an Internet congregation of freethinkers, rationalists, skeptics, atheists & humanists of mainly Bengali and South Asian descent who are scattered across the globe. Our mission is to promote science, rationalism, secularism, freethinking, human rights, religious tolerance, and harmony amongst all people in the globe. To that end, Mukto-mona regularly posts analytical articles, essays, reviews and debates on relevant topics in its homepage and forum. Since its founding back in the mid 2001, Mukto-mona has been able to draw the attention of many like-minded thinkers including many distinguished authors, scientists, philosophers and human rights activists from all around the world.

To know more about Mukto-Mona click here

[P.A.D.S Statement] The Dimapur Lynch Mob and Violence of Hurt Sentiments

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Statement by People's Alliance for Democracy and Secularism [P.A.D.S]

On 5th March a man was dragged out of the Central Prison in Dimapur in Nagaland by a mob. He was paraded naked on the streets of the town for hours while the crowd beat him up, took pictures and uploaded them on the internet. After seven kilometers of public torture he was tied to the City Clock Tower in the center of the town and beaten to death. Nine days ago, the man was accused of raping a Naga college student, and was arrested for that. The crime became the news of the town a week later. A demonstration by Naga Students’ Federation was held on 4th March against the rape. In public discourse the man, actually a Bengali speaking Assamese Muslim from the Cachhar region, became an IBI (illegal Bangladeshi immigrant) because of his religion and language. One prominent newspaper headlined the news with ’IBI rapes woman in DMU’ on its front page. Naga civil society organisations brought out statements calling for justice, but also detailing the menace of IBIs in the state, and how they would take over Nagaland if Nagas do not stand up against the crime. Demands were made to hand over the man to the community to be tried under customary Naga laws. Photocopies of the man’s picture were widely distributed. Blogs were filled with aggressive comments. When the moderator of one blog stopped putting up angry comments, another one by the name Naga Spears came along to keep the cyber fire burning.

It is not for the first time in the Indian sub-continent that crowds of citizens, otherwise ordinary in every sense, have brutally killed unarmed human beings. Communal riots of 1947 were perhaps the worst in human history. In independent India instances of unimaginable savagery abound as in Nellie 1983, Delhi 1984 and Gujarat 2002. The immediate context of these killings were different from each other, but they were all done in the name of some community interest, or its corollary, for teaching a community a lesson.

The allegation of rape was only a trigger for the lynching in Dimapur. Gnawing divides along community boundaries are a regular source of suspicion and every day forms of violence all over the North-East. Illegal Bangladeshi immigrant is a convenient label used against Bengali speaking Muslims, most of whom had actually migrated before independence to riverine areas, and are as much of Indian citizens as anyone else. Along with Adivasi Tea Tribes they are among the poorest in the North East. From Bodo areas in the lower Assam to the international border with Myanmar they are a regular target of xenophobic and communal politics. During an election rally for the current Lok Sabha Mr Modi had famously declared that all illegal migrants from Bangladesh will be sent back as soon as BJP government is formed. In other parts of India too the bogey of illegal Bangladeshi immigrant is a convenient ploy for communalism and xenophobia. Apparently, during the time of BJP government in Delhi, police stations in the city were given monthly quotas to ’catch’ and deport poorer Bengali speaking Muslims who are mostly rag pickers and have valid documents. Even people who may not be communal otherwise, turn ultra nationalist on the issue of supposed migration from Bangladesh. It is not difficult to imagine the reaction in the country if the person killed by the mob in Dimapur had actually been a Bangladeshi.

In many parts of the Norht-East including Nagaland political struggles against the Indian state have been on for more than five decades. The political landscape here is littered with armed ethnic mobilisations which have slid from collective grievances of oppressed communities to random and targeted killings of ’outsiders’. Such mobilisations also act to curtail the democratic rights of those internally oppressed within the community, most commonly women. These struggles may have legitimate reasons, but no one has a right to kill an unarmed human being, irrespective of whether he/she is an accused, or is an illegal immigrant.

Aggressive mobilisations around proclaimed community interests and assault on democratic rights of citizens is common in the so called mainland India too. This type of politics has specially spread along with the rise of Mr Modi in the national politics. The loudest are the Hindutva organisations that claim to represent the interests of the so called Hindu majority. While many thousands of minority citizens have been displaced and killed in riots, and their places of worship attacked, Hindutva forces have attacked the rights of all citizens to read books they like, see movies they wish to see, spend time with persons they like, eat what they like, and discuss and debate issues related to their lives. The latest in the series of attacks is the one on a Tamil TV channel for holding a discussion on the practice of wearing a Thali (Mangalsutra) by married women even if they are abused by their husbands. Staff of the channel were attacked and its offices bombed on 12th March. The erstwhile oppressed caste communities too have taken to this style of politics. The regionally dominant Vellala Gounders of Kongu area in Tamil Nadu have successfully attacked and silenced author Perumal Murugan. Groups claiming to defend Islam have bayed for the blood of editor Shireen Dalvi in Mumbai for printing a Charlie Hebdo cartoon in her newspaper. A common thread running through all these actions is the excuse of hurt sentiments. The state has either stood as a mute spectator, or supported attackers. It is a travesty of justice that the right to a ’sentiment’ has become more valuable than the right to free life, rational thinking, and expression without fear.

People turning public killers and attacking civil rights of others is a challenge to any idea of democracy that seeks justification through the notion of popular sovereignty. Between the people as a general abstraction, who give themselves a Constitution, and rights bearing individual citizens, is the domain of public life in which many Indians identify themselves with their communities. Communities seek allegiance through calls to a shared tradition, a way of life, and a common future. Those who speak in the name of communities seek legitimation by claiming to represent a demand endorsed by most members of the community. Democracy in our country appears to have a dual relationship with communities. On the one hand it has diminished the hold of traditional community leaders. On the other, it permits and encourages an articulation of community based demands and actions in the name of popular interest by a new and competitive breed of leadership.

Many common misunderstandings about democracy facilitate the spread of community based anti-democratic politics. Foremost among these is equating democracy with the majority rule. It makes democracy a game of numbers. Majority in the formal sense is simply a result of counting. It can be an important measure of popular mood and thinking, however it is well understood that certain crucial aspects of public life can not be at the mercy of majority. Even constitutions can not be amended by a simple majority. The people at the base of popular sovereignty are not passive members of a collection, significant only for counting. The people becomes a justified political basis of rule because humans constituting it are rights bearing citizens. No authority, even while enjoying the support of the overwhelming majority of people can violate these rights of even a single citizen. Whether Mr Khan of Dimapur was guilty, or if guilty what punishment he should have faced, can not be determined on the basis of any majority decision. Along with the devaluation of democracy as majority rule comes the degradation of citizenship. The most common practice in this regard in India is to view citizens only as members of communities. Thus a person who happens to be a Muslim, gets recognised only as a Muslim; as if her caste, gender, language, economic status, political commitments, personal beliefs and achievements are of no consequence. Discussions on secularism have been stymied by a majority-minority framework, which looks at it solely in terms of protection of the so called minority rights.

While community politics creates unbridgeable walls between citizens, the fluidity of opportunities under modernity generates another world outside communities. The man killed by the Naga mob in Dimapur was actually married to a Naga woman. Their girl child, half Naga-half Cachharree Muslim, and hence neither Naga, nor Cachharee Muslim, faces an uncertain future. It depends crucially on the future of democracy in the country whether she spends her life in trauma in the barrenness of no-man’s land between communities, or she grows up to live full life of a citizen without fear, hatred and suspicion.

Released in New Delhi
People’s Alliance for Democracy and Secularism (P.A.D.S)
Email: info-pads@lycos.com
Telephone contact: Srinivas Rao 09393875195

Hashimpura : Who will Guard the Guards Themselves ?

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- Subhash Gatade
Wait for justice to victims of Hashimpura has become much longer.
After around 28 years of the gruesome massacre allegedly by the personnel of the much feared PAC ( Provincial Armed Constabulary) for its biased approach , the Delhi court acquitted all 16 accused on ‘benefit of doubt due to insufficient evidence, particularly on the identification of the accused’.
There have been very few massacres in post-independent India which have shaken the civil society to the core and have propelled it to come forward and raise its voice. And the Hashimpura killings happen to be one such episode. One still remembers the words of the well-known journalist Nikhil Chakravarty who had visited the place along with few likeminded individuals and in his scathing write-up condemning the incident had compared the event with
“Nazi Pogrom against the Jews, to strike terror and nothing but terror in a whole minority Community”.
In fact, inquiry reports by organisations like the People’s Union For Civil Liberties (PUCL) and the People’s Union For Democratic Rights (PUDR) had clearly revealed that it was a case of barbaric cold-blooded murder by the PAC personnel. And forget public intellectuals or even reports by various civil liberty organisations, even the 1994 confidential report of the CBI had thrown light on the sordid saga.
“On 22nd May 1987 around 8.0 pm. they herded  40-42  ‘rioters’ in PAC Truck No. UR 1493 at Hashimpura overtly for taking them to Meerut Civil Lines or Police Lines. However, the Platoon Commander S.P.Singh drove to the Upper Ganga Canal Muradnagar(Ghaziabad) ignoring their protests. On reaching there they started to unceremoniously  shooting them down. When a few tried to escape they were shot down on the spot and their bodies were cast into the Canal. Rest of them were taken to the Hindon canal and there the sordid show was reenacted . ‘’
But as the survivors of this case and their silent supporters are trying to pick up pieces from the decision of the courts’ and have expressed their resolve to continue their fight for justice, perhaps all these words provide no consolation.
The day after the judgement one could witness anger on the streets of Hashimpura and many protesters even raised black flags on their houses and also took out a procession. One of the survivors of this incident even expressed his disillusionment with the words that ‘Muslims can never get justice in this country.’
Looking back the massacre also happens to be a case where one finds all the mainstream political parties which ruled UP during this period of 28 years colluded in one way or the other to save the perpetrators and thwart the process of justice. You name a party and you can discover the sinister pattern of connivance between the different actors in the state – ranging from the polity to the executive.

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It has been repeated umpteen times but one can once again take a recap of how the incident unfolded before us.
It was a period when the Hindutva Supremacists had started their mobilisation around Babri Mosque. During that period there was a communal conflagration at Meerut (Hashimpura comes under this district) there 28 years ago when the Congress ruled both in the State and the centre. Both Police and PAC pickets were posted there to bring the situation under control when the incident was executed.
Vibhuti Narayan Rai, who happened to be Superintendent of Police, Ghaziabad, UP then, has written in detail about how the whole incident came to light. 
Babbudin told us that when that day during the regular checking around 50 people were made to sit in the P.A.C. truck they all thought that they were being taken to a station or a jail. The truck was taken off the main road about 45 minutes from Makanpur and stopped at distance down the road. The P.A.C. leapt down from the truck and ordered them to get down from the truck.
Only half the people had hardly got off when the P.A.C. started firing on them. The people still on the truck took cover. Babbudin was one of them… The P.A.C. people again got on the truck. The truck reversed and again sped off towards Ghaziabad. Here it came to the Makanpur stream and the P.A.C. again ordered everyone to get off.This time the horrified prisoners refused to get off so they were pulled and dragged from the truck. The one who came out were shot and thrown in the stream and the ones who didn’t were shot on the truck and thrown off.
When there was uproar in a section of the media and opposition parties raised their voices, the State Govt. initiated enquiries and had also the incident looked into by the CID. But this internal investigation was completed only in 1993 -six years later. Its Findings came one year later. As if this delay was not enough it was further compounded by procrastination in implementing the action recommended. Orders in the matter were issued only in 1995 and 1997.Even in this Order action was recommended only against 19 officials as against 66 recommended in the CID Report. Interestingly there was no compliance of the court’s summoning order followed by bail able warrants six times and non-bail able warrants 17 times between January 1997 and April 2000. Although all of them were in active service then, they were declared as ‘absconders’ by the government.
When the matter ultimately came before the trial courts the accused started “exerting pressure and influence” to stall the proceedings in Ghaziabad which prompted the Hashimpura Advisory Committee  to approach the Supreme Courts for transfer of case to a court in Delhi. It is a different matter that despite transfer (2002) it took four more years for framing of charges since there was lack of will on the part of the UP government to promptly appoint competent Special Public Prosecutor in transferred cases
Even after transfer of cases to the Delhi courts doubts were raised about convicting the guilty. This was because of the fact that many eyewitnesses of the whole incident were long dead and while the killers of the Muslims were openly moving about, the few surviving witnesses lived constantly in danger to their life.
With this judgement of the courts the fears have come true.
It is indeed galling to find that, even more than sixty five years after the formation of Indian Republic Hashimpura is not an exception. It is not just a synonym for massacre. It is a tendency. There is nothing new in such massacres which are well thought-out handiwork of those at  the helm of power and capital for  their political and economic objectives .In the event the Constitution  becomes a Parody. The rules made under the Constitution only sub serve their interest.
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There are very many ways in which India is presented and projected to the outside world. For some it happens to be the biggest democracy in the world, while for others it is one of the fastest growing economies of the world, which has now ‘arrived’. But rarely does anyone talks about its being a ‘land of mass crimes’ where the perpetrators of such crimes have always gone unpunished.. And the targets of such mass crimes are – mainly the religious minorities or people on the lowest rung of social matrix or the toiling masses of the country.
The scenario needs to be drastically changed if India wants to emerge as humane society.
An important component to make it happen is that all the justice and peace loving people and formations compel the Indian government to formulate suitable domestic legislation to comply with international legal norms as far as UN Convention on Genocide is concerned. It need be underlined here that India has signed the said convention way back in 1959 but there is still absence of suitable domestic legislation to not only prevent and punish genocide, but also designate a tribunal for the trial of those charged under the same act which has created a strange situation where the ability of the Indian criminal justice system to dispense justice – when it comes to mass crimes – seems to be in grave doubt.
It is worth emphasising that the said Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (in article 2) defines genocide as:
…any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
One can easily gather that if genuine democracy loving persons are able to overwhelm the powers that be on this issue, we can easily do away with the stigma of covering up of mass crimes or metamorphosis of riot organisers or murderers into respectable politicians.
Lastly, Hashimpura reminds us about a rhetorical query by second century Roman Satirist Decimus Junius Juvenals wherein he asked ‘Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodes’? (Who will guard the guards themselves ?)

Statement by teachers and scholars in solidarity with the students of Film & Television Institute of India (FTII)

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In Solidarity with the Students of the Film & Television Institute of India (FTII)

We, the undersigned teachers, scholars and researchers within and outside the university system in India, are disturbed by the repeated and systematic attempts to undermine the academic autonomy of universities and other institutions of teaching and learning, such as the FTII (Pune), by the government. There is a concerted effort to monopolise academic spaces by replacing substantive academic autonomy with policies aimed at destroying academic excellence, diversity, creativity and an atmosphere in which students and teachers can think critically and function freely.

Further, we strongly protest the organised attacks against students and other individuals, in universities and elsewhere, for critiquing the state, be it through film screenings, books, talks or exhibitions. The growing number of censorships and bans is encouraging a widespread culture of intolerance and anti-intellectualism that is openly threatening the freedom of academic expression, democractic and participatory governance, and fundamental rights.

1. We mark our solidarity with the students of the FTII who have been on strike since June 12, 2015. We support their view that Mr. Gajendra Chauhan, an official member of the BJP since 2004, was chosen to be President of the FTII Society and Chairman of the Governing Council for his loyalty to the party and not because he has any credentials to occupy these posts. Mr Chauhan’s appointment is in sharp contrast to previous appointments of nationally and internationally acclaimed personalities such as UR Ananthamurthy, Girish Karnad, Shyam Benegal, Saeed Akhtar Mirza, Adoor Gopalakrishnan and Mrinal Sen, each of whom had built solid reputations for themselves in their respective fields. We urge the government to desist from taking any steps that would harm the future of students, as well as the longterm interests of an institute such as the FTII. We suggest that the current Governing Council be held passive until such time as the FTII society is reconstituted. In the interim, a temporary body, acceptable to all concerned, could be put in place in order to supervise the transition.

2. Through its dubious appointments not just in the FTII but also in other key institutions like the ICHR, ICCR, NFDC, NBT, CBFC, Prasar Bharati, the IIMs and the IITs, among others, the current government has made it amply clear that it has scarce respect for eligibility critera, academic accomplishments or professional reputation. If appointees, including four out of the eight appointees to the FTII society, are chosen on the basis of loyalty to the Sangh Parivar and for commitment to its exclusivist and authoritarian ideology, then institutional autonomy, merit, credentials, professionalism, scholarship, and academic excellence stand destroyed and replaced with propaganda. We demand that professional standards of appointments be re-instituted, and the politics of partisanship stopped.

3. We strongly condemn the actions of organizations such as the ABVP, which assaulted FTII students when they screened Anand Patwardhan’s Jai Bhim Comrade. Last week the ABVP prevented the screening of a film that seeks to understand the recent riots in Muzzafarnagar and their impact on the lives of people living in the area, at a college in Delhi University, even as all students present wished to continue watching the film. This same group pressurised Delhi University to excise AK Ramanujan’s acclaimed essay on the many Ramayanas from the university syllabus in 2011/12, and continues to act, together with sundry other anti-democratic formations of varied political hues, as a violent extra-legal, self–appointed censor board across campuses in the country. Law Schools, we learn, are now being directed to incorporate a Minister’s books on animal rights as part of the syllabus!

We urge the government to take serious note of the political and administrative processes that are gravely undermining academic and institutional autonomy, substituting dialogue with censorship or violence, creating an atmosphere of fear, and fostering an exclusivist, propaganda-ridden anti-democratic political culture instead of one that encourages citizens to read, write, think, create and speak freely and critically, without fear of community, ‘hurt sentiments’ and God.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in the statement belong to that of the signatories. They do not represent the position of their institutions.

Signatories:
  • Mukul Mangalik, Dept of History, Ramjas College, Delhi University
  • Keval Arora, Dept of English, Kirori Mal College, Delhi University
  • Vidya Das Arora, Dept of English, Gargi College, Delhi University
  • Dilip Simeon, Historian
  • Sumit Sarkar, Historian
  • Tanika Sarkar, Historian
  • Geeta Kapur, Art Critic
  • Vivan Sundaram, Artist
  • Mary. E. John, Centre for Women’s Development Studies
  • Anand Chakravarti (Department of Sociology) Retd
  • Janaki Abraham, Dept of Sociology, DSE, Delhi University
  • Prabhu P Mohapatra, Department of History, University of Delhi
  • Sohail Hashmi, Writer, Film Maker, Sahmat, Delhi
  • Chitra Joshi, Indraprastha College, Delhi University
  • Nandini Sundar, Sociologist
  • Nivedita Menon, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Shail Mayaram, Historian
  • Ravi S. Vasudevan, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies
  • Janaki Nair, Professor, CHS, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • G. Arunima, Centre for Women’s Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Gautam Bhan, Indian Institute for Human Settlements, Bangalore
  • Vinita Chandra, Ramjas College, Delhi University
  • Rani Ray, Department of English, Delhi University (Retd)
  • Radhika Singha, Professor, CHS/SSS, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Rina Ramdev, Venkateswara College, Delhi University
  • Kumkum Roy, Historian, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Deepika Tandon, Miranda House, Delhi University
  • Pratiksha Baxi, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Sachin N, Dyal Singh College
  • Surajit Mazumdar, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Biswajit Mohanty, Deshbandhu College, University of Delhi
  • Ankita Pandey, Indraprastha College for Women, DU
  • Harriet Raghunathan, ex JMC
  • Sandhya D Nambiar, JMC
  • Suvritta Khatri, Deshbandhu College
  • Nikhil Kumar, Senior Accounts Executive, Edelman India
  • Abha Dev Habib, Miranda House, University of Delhi
  • Nilofer Kaul, Hansraj College
  • Saumyajit Bhattacharya, Dept of Economics, Kirori Mal College
  • Ratna Raman, Venkateswara College, University of Delhi
  • Debjani Sengupta, Department of English, I.P. College
  • Mihir Pandey, Department of Economics, Ramjas College
  • N. A. Jacob, Ramjas College, University of Delhi
  • Roopa Dhawan, Ramjas College
  • Pankaj Jha, LSR College
  • Brinda Bose, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Naveen Gaur, Dyal Singh College, Delhi University
  • Ruplekha Khullar, JDMC, University of Delhi
  • Rudrashish Chakraborty, Dept of English, Kirori Mal College, University of Delhi
  • Vikram Vyas, Physics Department, St. Stephen’s College, Delhi University
  • Bikram Phookun, Department of Physics, St Stephen’s College, Delhi
  • Sania Iqbal Hashmi, MPhil Scholar, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Mitul Baruah, Syracuse University, Syracuse, NY
  • Shahana Bhattacharya, Kirori Mal College, Delhi University
  • Amrapali Basumatary, Kirori Mal College, Delhi University
  • Banajit Hussain, New Socialist Initiative
  • Hari Sen, Associate Professor in History, Ramjas College, University of Delhi
  • Harsh Kapoor, Independent researcher, Delhi
  • Nandita Narain, St. Stephen’s College
  • Shubhra Nagalia, Gender Studies, School of Human Studies, Ambedkar University, Delhi
  • Uma Chakravarti, Historian
  • Preeti Sampat, Dept of Sociology, Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University
  • Ayesha Kidwai, Centre for Linguistics, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Lata Singh, Centre for Women’s Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Shubhadeep Chowdhury, M.A. History, Ambedkar University, Delhi
  • Pulin Nayak
  • Sucheta Mahajan, CHS, Jawaharlal Nehru University
  • Sanjay Kumar Bohidar, SRCC, University of Delhi
  • Abhijit Visaria, 
Asia Research Institute
National University of Singapore
  • Anita Cherian, 
Dept of English
, Indraprastha College for Women
  • Dhananjay Kapse, 
Dept of English, 
Kirori Mal College
  • Amrita Ibrahim, PhD, Georgetown University
  • Malay Firoz, Graduate student, Brown University
  • Saloni Sharma, Dept of English, Kirori Mal College
  • Adil Mohommad, Economist, Asia Pacific Department, IMF
  • Pragya Gupta, Dept of English, Gargi College
  • Amitesh Grover, Assistant Professor, National School of Drama; Course Leader, Arts & Design Dept, Shiv Nadar University
  • Maya Krishna Rao, Theatre for Education & Social Transformation, Dept. of Education, Shiv Nadar University
  • Geeti Das, Politics, New School for Social Research
  • Amrita Pande, Dept of Sociology, University of Cape Town, South Africa
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A graffiti from the ongoing strike. Photo courtesy: FTII Wisdom Tree facebook page 


Its time to read the writing on the walls

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- Critique Collective

Note: This piece was published under the title "Students rise to free education, Resist onslaught of free Market" as the editorial in Critique Magazine, Vol-1, No-2, January-March, 2011. Though written and published more than 4 years ago, the piece remains very much relevant for today.

The current unrest in universities across the globe seems to stretch the limits of national boundaries. It is not about England or Germany or South Africa or any other country; the speedy transformations in higher education occurring within the geo-political boundary of India are more than education in India. If students’ protest in the UK are reverberating its pulses in other parts of the globe, though varied in degree or nature these may be, the current ‘reforms’ attempted by coordinates of power within the Indian education system, could well stand ironically in a position of pre-empting possible disturbances that might result in mass protests. Slogans of different students’ protests against reckless process of privatisation and privilegisation of education which are unabashed symptoms of the chronic rampage of dear old capitalism, have sought to analyse, reassert as well as redefine the meaning and nature of a university:

“University is a factory”

“University has no history of its own; its history is the history of capital. Its essential function is reproduction of the relationship between capital and labour”

“Resistance does not mean nostalgia for the old university model that was embedded in state power and supported by an idealistic and ideological conception of the university as an ‘ivory tower’ of national pride”

These slogans from around the world capture the nature and idea of a university in the current context. Lessons are to be learnt.

In a capitalist world, the production of knowledge and ideas are bound to comply to need of capital like everything else in society has been made to since its advent, be it the patriarchal family or the modern state. The recent developments in universities across the globe are historical consequences of a churning that has long been attempted and resisted. This upsurge of protests are mirrors of what is wrong with capitalism and are clarion calls for what is to be done about this wrong. While students cannot offer a blueprint of “What is to be done” to destroy capitalism, they constitute a force which can ignite the restlessness in society. If university has become a factory, the relationship of the students with the university has become like the one between factory owners and workers.

The nature and intensity of students’ organisation/movement/protest have been determined by nature of state and market, as much as by ideology. The immediate context, however, is the nature of the university within which they are located. For instance, in the recent developments in the Delhi University, the resistance against the ill-conceived educational reforms by undemocratic imposition of the Semester System came mainly from the teaching community and not the students. While we have witnessed that in other places it was mainly the student mass which led and organized the protests, eventually to be joined by other sections directly or indirectly linked to university and education. What is so different about Delhi University then, becomes a question to be deliberated upon, at least a worthwhile question to ask if not sure answers as of now. The clue perhaps lies in the hierarchical relations between students and teachers which further reflect persistent pre-modern hierarchies in our societies.

The nature and structure of teacher-student relationship with Delhi University, as in most parts of India, is largely a hierarchical one. Despite entering the university as adults, the students are largely infantilised; their concerns, especially academic ones, are represented by teachers who do a sorry job of entering into any widespread and intensive dialogue with the student community. This has only got reiterated during the Delhi University Teachers’ Association (DUTA) movement against the new Semester System. The history of Delhi University students’ politics (barring the small scale protests by mainly left students’ organization) have rarely seen students coming out as a mass force to take up academic issues in their own hands and make an argumentation towards a radical intervention. It is a reality that what has been inflicting students in other universities in the world is also inflicting students in Delhi University. However, the latter seem to be waiting for a taste of bitterness to enter into its veins or it lies incapacitated. In recent times, it is true that the class character of the students might have gradually changed and entered the chasm of consumerism at large. However, the problem is not simple as that. It is an indication of why these ‘conscious’ sections of society are not ready to ‘fight’. If the court has admonished the striking teachers for being ‘disruptive’, the teachers in general filter down the same ‘value’ to the students. The teaching and the student community stand segregated making a mockery of the organic teacher-student relationship which defines the university. University as a space of adults and free deliberations, dialogues, debates and imagination ceases to exist as a whole, with allowances of tiny and sporadic sparks which might not necessarily lead to a firing of consciousness. 

The collection of articles in this issue of CRITIQUE tries to address issues of university at large and take into cognisance the role, intensity, character and implications of the university community, especially the students, in questioning, resisting and reimagining the university as a free space, free not only in terms of economic subsidies but also in terms of how the space itself could be used in more radical forms apart from tight academic schedules.

The two articles on the ongoing students’ protest in UK try to posit the implications of privatization and commodification of education not merely as a topical occurrence but also as a general symptom of the decline of value of knowledge and ideas which are not profitable to the global regime of capitalism. These also bring out the question of how the mass force of protesting students can be forged into an organic alliance with trade unions, left groups and other students’ organizations within and outside of one’s ‘national’ location. The article on Teaching Profession located within Delhi University reflects on the neoliberal attack on teaching community whose role is being increasingly redefined towards production of skilled labour force as demanded by the market and not critical thinking. At the same time it also analyses the values that are being (de)generated by the teachers as social entities which result in continuous reproduction of hierarchies of all sorts and undermines the nobility of the profession itself. The translated article on academia as factory (first published in English in Monthly Review, Vol-51, No-8, 2008) draws a historical progression of academia embedded in the history of capital for past 100 years. It pertinently calls for a unionisation of teachers as workers, as a force which must unite not just within but which must organically connect with issue with issues in society in general for greater good. 

The quasi-fictional piece on the rickshaw pullers in Delhi University provides the readers food for thought about pre-modern cultural ‘practice’ of people using rickshaws, despite modernisation of the transport system or ability to walk. It points at the cultural insensitivities of people who conveniently ignore the unequal relations that are inherent I being ridden by a rickshaw puller.

The piece on value and electronic media discusses the commodification of knowledge, where the value of culture and information is sold at a price, and the consumption of this sale hierarchised. The value of electronic piracy in this context is laid out with a historical comparison with the emergence of capitalism as a young ‘beast’ sailing new seas and landing at “new worlds”.

The article and the graphic piece on Manipur and Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) has been specially brought in this issue to commemorate the completion of ten years of fasting by Manipuri activist and poet, Irom Sharmila, against the subjection of people of Manipur under AFSPA, one of the most draconian law in the history of modern nations. The larger question raised here is about the nature of Indian State which has singularly been responsible for systemic brutalisation of society in large parts of Northeast and Kashmir. The article on UID hints at the authoritarian attempts of the state to control people through a process of exclusion (posed as inclusion), wherein we can witness the state turning into Benthamite structure of panopticon, only more subtle. The article on Korean students’ movement against the military regime is a historical piece, tracing how the student community can organise an endemic of resistance against oppressive state regimes resulting in radical change in the nature of the state itself. 

The set of reflections are posted here with the hope that university community begins to seriously recognise the authoritarian side of the state and generate debates about use of force to establish rule of law. To reiterate the fact that one people’s subjection somewhere means an attack on the modern values of freedom everywhere.

It is these realities that make the question of re-imagining the university space even more pertinent today. If the university is not for free and is not free, the privileged space that it is vis-à-vis the city and society will accentuate the process of shrinking democratic spaces. And if the university ceases to be a space for democratic spaces, the knowledge that is generated within it will entail a collapse of human reason. While we resist talk about reforms, accept or reject one over the other, the concern must be about freeing it rather than merely talking in terms of restructuring. If the university has become a factory, then, the politics within which a factory is embedded calls for a strike; there is somewhere and something to strike.

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CRITIQUE is a political-analytical magazine brought out by Delhi University unit of New Socialist Initiative (NSI).

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 Photo courtesy: FTII Wisdom Tree facebook page

“उदास नस्लें” के दास्तानगो अब्दुल्ला हुसैन

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जावेद अनीस

उर्दू के शीर्ष उपन्यासकार अब्दुल्ला हुसैन का 7 जून 2015 का 84 वर्ष के उम्र में देहांत हो गया, वे लम्बे समय से कैंसर से पीड़ित थे और उनका लाहौर के एक निजी अस्पताल में इलाज चल रहा था। करीब 53 साल पहले जब उनकी पहली उपन्यास “उदास नस्लें” प्रकाशित हुई तो मानो उर्दू साहित्य में तहलका मच गया,इस एक ही उपन्यास ने उन्हें चोटी पर पहुँचा दिया और यही उनकी पहचान बन गयी। “उदास नस्लें” को पाकिस्तान का पहला नॉवेल तक कहा जाता है। इसके बाद भी उन्होनें बहुत कुछ लिखा लेकिन उदास नस्लें के जरिये वे शोहरत की जिस बुलंदी पर पहुँच चुके थे उसमें कोई इजाफा मुमकिन नही था। अकेले यही उन्हें उर्दू के सबसे बड़े उपन्यासकारों की सूची में शुमार करने के लिए काफी थी।

“उदास नस्लें” के अलावा उन्होनें ‘बाध’, ‘फरेब’, ‘नशेब’ जैसे उपन्यास लिखे हैं और उनकी 3 कहानी संग्रह भी प्रकाशित हुए हैं। इसी साल उन्हें प्रधानमंत्री के लाइफटाइम अचीवमेंट अवॉर्ड से सम्मानित किया गया था। 2012 में साहित्य के उनके योगदान पर पाकिस्तानी सरकार ने उन्हें वहां के सबसे बडे साहित्यक सम्मान ‘कमाल फन’ से नवाजा था। “उदास नस्लें” के लिए उन्हें ‘आदम जी’ अवार्ड से भी सम्मानित किया जा चूका है। “उदास नस्लें” का 1963 में ‘दि वियरी जेनरेशन्स’ शीर्षक से अंग्रेजी में अनुवाद हुआ था जिसे अंग्रेजी के पाठकों ने बहुत पसंद किया, हिंदी में भी इसे राजकमल प्रकाशन द्वारा प्रकाशित गया है। 

दो साल पहले ही उदास नस्लें की सिल्वर जुब्ली एडिशन सामने आयी थी। यह जितनी पाकिस्तान में मशहूर थी उतनी ही हिन्दुस्तान में भी। “उदास नस्लें” ने 50 बरस का अर्सा सह लिया और इस दौरान हर पीढ़ी के पाठकों ने इसे सराहा, इससे यह बात एक बार फिर साबित होती है कि रचना में अगर जान हो तो बगैर किसी लाबी, प्रोपोगेंड़ा और मीडि़या की मदद के भी एक नॉवेल केवल अपने बलबूते पर ही लम्बे समय तक जिंदा रह सकती है। चंद बरस पहले अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने कराची लिटरेचर फेस्टीवल में “उदास नस्लें” के बारे में चर्चा करते हुए कहा था कि उन्होंने यह नॉवेल 1956 में उस वक्त लिखा था जब वो एक निजी कंपनी में काम करते थे और उनकी डयूटी किसी वीराने इलाके में थी तब उन्होनें अपनी उकताहट से तंग आकर एक कहानी लिखने के इरादे से कलम उठाया था लेकिन चंद पन्ने लिखने के बाद ही उनके जहन में अचानक “उदास नस्लें” की कहानी फ्लैश की सूरत में गुजरी और नॉवेल का पूरा सांचा दिमाग में आ गया। इस तरह से यह नॉवेल 1961 में पूरी हुई। जब उन्होनें यह लिखना शुरु किया था तो उनकी उम्र 25 साल की थी। 

“उदास नस्लें” की सबसे बड़ी खासियत यह है कि इसे आम पाठकों के साथ-साथ साहित्य के बड़े पारखियों से भी सराहना मिली। “उदास नस्लें” जब प्रकाशित हुई तो कृष्णचंद्र,आल अहमद सरवर और राजेन्द्र सिंह बेदी जैसे शख्सीयतों को भी इसने प्रभावित किया। कृष्णचंद्र ने तो अब्दुल्ला हुसैन को एक खत लिखा था जिसमें वे लिखते हैं ‘‘मोहतरम अब्दुल्ला हुसैन साहेब आप कौन है? क्या करते हैं? अदब का मसगला कब से इख्तियार किया? और किस तरह आप एक शोले की तरह भड़क उठे? अपना कुछ अता-पता तो बताईये। उदास नस्लें पढ़ रहा हूँ, लेकिन उसे खत्म करने से पहले मुझे ये मालूम हो चुका है कि उर्दू अदब में एक आला जौहर दरियाफ्त हो चुका है।’’ इसी तरह से उर्दू के शीर्ष आलोचक शमसुर रहमान फारुकी ने एक बार कहा था कि “जिन साहित्यकारों को पढ़ कर वो रश्क करते थे उनमें अब्दुल्ला हुसैन भी शामिल हैं।’’ पाकिस्तान के मशहूर शायर और नाटककार अमजद इस्लाम अमजद ने अब्दुल्ला हुसैन के योगदान पर कहा है कि ‘‘हमारे जैसे समाज में जहाँ पढ़ने वाले अपेक्षाकृत कम हैं और किताबें भी कम बिकती हैं वहां 50 बरस तक लोगों के दिलों में जगह बनाना बहुत बड़ा कारनामा है और अब्दुल्ला हुसैन उन चंद लोगें में से एक हैं जिन्होनें ये कारनामा अंजाम दिया है।’’

“उदास नस्लें” जब प्रकाशित हुई तो इसकी भाषा विशेषकर इसमें मिलावट को लेकर सवाल उठाये गये और कहा गया कि इसमें पंजाबी शब्द ज्यादा हैं,उर्दू के आलोचक मुजफ्फर अली ने तो यहाँ तक कह दिया था कि “लेखक को नॉवेल लिखने से पहले उर्दू सीख लेनी चाहिए थी।” दरअसल शुरु से ही उर्दू के साथ शहरीपन,सोफेस्टीकेशन और एक खास तरह की शुद्धतावादी रवैया हावी रहा है और इस बात पर खास ध्यान दिया जाता रहा है कि कहीं इसमें आंचलिक या देहातीपन की परछाई ना पड़ने पाये। जबकि उर्दू खुद ही ‘लश्करों की भाषा’ के तौर पर विकसित हुई है और कई भाषाओं से मिल कर बनी है। इस बारे में अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने एक बार कहा था कि ‘‘मैंने जब नॉवेल लिखना शुरु किया था तो मुझे बहुत अच्छी उर्दू नही आती थी, उल्टी सीधी जबान लिखी। मुझे भरोसा भी नही था कि इसे इतना पसंद किया जायेगा। मेरी खुशकिस्मती रही कि लोग पुराने जबान से जिसमें बड़ा लच्छेदार विवरण होता था तंग आये हुए थे इसीलिए उन्हें मेरी जुबान सुलभ महससू हुई और उन्होनें उसे सराहा”। 

“उदास नस्लें” का कैनवस बहुत विशाल है,यह पहले विश्व युद्ध और विभाजन व उसके बाद भारतीय उपमहादीप के सामाजिक और राजनीतिक तस्वीर को उभारती है। इसमें तात्कालीन समाज में बदलाव की जद्दोजहद,विस्थापन का दर्द और अस्मिताओं का टकराहट तो है ही साथ ही यहाँ एक नए राष्ट्र के अपनी अस्मिता को नए तरीके से खोजने और उसे परिभाषित करने का प्रयास भी है। अब्दुल्ला हुसैन इसे बुनियादी तौर पर मोहब्बत की कहानी मानते रहे हैं उन्होनें एक बार कहा था कि ‘‘यह मोहब्बत की कहानी है लेकिन परम्परागत् मोहब्बत की नही बल्कि उस महान मोहब्बत की जिसके लिए आदमी बड़ी से बड़ी कुर्बानी देने पर खुद को आमादा पाता है। “उदास नस्लें” गुलामी से आजादी के सफर की कहानी, मर्द और औरत के मोहब्बत और मिट्टी से इश्क की कहानी है। इसकी पृष्ठभूमि में बंटवारे से पहले उपमहाद्वीप में गरीबी,दूसरा विश्व युद्ध,अंग्रेजों की गुलामी,जुल्म और आजादी की लड़ाई है जिसके असर से एक पूरी नस्ल उदास हो गई। 

“उदास नस्लें” में पंजाब है, कहानी रोशनपूरा गावं से शुरु होती है। नईम और अज़रा की मोहब्बत के फंसाने का आगाज भी यही से शुरु होता है लेकिन उनके मोहब्ब्त के दरमियान समुदायों के बंटवारे की दीवार खड़ी है। दोनों ही एक दूसरे को हासिल करने के लिए अपना सब कुछ तीज देने का इरादा रखते हैं। बाद में नईम फौज में शामिल हो जाता है, जहाँ से से वह मिलीट्री क्रॉस लेकर लौटता है जो उसके और अज़रा के खानदान के बीच मनमुटाव दूर करने में मददगार बनता है। जंग में वह अपना एक हाथ गंवा चुका है लेकिन इसी जंग की वजह से वह अपनी मोहब्बत को हासिल कर लेता है। दरअसल नईम और अज़रा उस समय के शहरी तथा ग्रामीण समाज और उनके सरोकारों के अक्स हैं।

सन् 2014 में जब इस कालजयी उपन्यास के 50 साल पूरे हुए थे तो उस मौके पर अब्दुल्ला हुसैन ने बी.बी.सी. से बात करते हुए कहा था कि ‘‘जब से उदास नस्लें लिखी गई उस वक्त से इस किताब की खुशकिस्मती और हमारी बदकिस्मती है कि हर नस्ल उदास से उदास्तर होती जा रही है।’’

[Open Letter to Odisha CM] False Charges Against GASS Activist Debaranjan

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 WITHDRAW FALSE CHARGES AGAINST DEBARANJAN OF GASS, ODISHA
To:
Mr. Naveen Patnaik
Chief Minister,
Government of Odisha

22 August 2015
 We, the undersigned, unequivocally condemn the foisting of a false case on Debaranjan, member of the Ganatantrik Adhikar Surakhya Sangathan (GASS) in Odisha.
Debaranjan has for several years now been deeply involved with people’s struggles in Odisha, first as a full-time activist in Kashipur, Rayagada district, then as film-maker, and most recently also as a member of the democratic rights group GASS. His has been among the consistent voices in Odisha for over twenty years against state repression on people’s struggles, atrocities faced by adivasis, dalits and other underprivileged communities, and against communalization of the polity and in society. This is the political context in which he is being targeted.
Last week, Debaranjan was sought to be interrogated by the Special Branch of the Intelligence Department while he was engaged in work on a documentary film in Malkangari district. Subsequently, a number of false charges were filed against him by the Malkangiri Police, including charges pertaining to molestation under Section 354 (b) of the IPC, and under sections 354 and 323. We believe these charges to be patently false and absurd, and constitute nothing other than harassment and part of the continued persecution of democratic voices in this country.
Debaranjan has been part of investigations by democratic rights organizations into police violence and extra-judicial killings by the state seeking to target Left movements in Odisha. He was part of other investigations into communal violence in southern Karnataka and in Kandhamal district in Odisha. He has been part of struggles against and critiqued rampant development, mining in adivasi areas, the forced displacement and police repression that inevitably comes in the wake of such development projects. Whatever one may think of such development, we believe that those critical of it have a right to have their voices heard, to highlight and be critical of state atrocities, and to express dissent. By foisting false charges on Debaranjan, the state seeks to fetter democratic voices in Odisha, and implicitly threaten democratic voices everywhere in this country. We condemn such harassment, the shrinking of the democratic space, and demand that the false charges on Debaranjan be withdrawn immediately and unconditionally.

 Signed:
1.       Arundhati Roy, writer, Delhi
2.       Volga, feminist writer, Hyderabad
3.       Anand Patwardhan, film-maker, Mumbai
4.       Rahul Roy, film-maker, Delhi
5.       Surya Shankar, film-maker, Odisha
6.       Kasturi, People’s Film Collective and Cinema of Resistance, Kolkata
7.       Sanjay Kak, film-maker, Delhi
8.       Madhusree Mukerjee, writer
9.       M. Vimala, poet, Hyderabad
10.   Xavier Dias, editor, Khan, Khaneej Aur Adhikar
11.   Sabeena Gadihoke
12.   Professor Shohini Ghosh, academic, Delhi
13.   Soumitra Ghosh, film-maker, Kolkata
14.   Saba Dewan
15.   Rabin Chakravarty, Kolkata
16.   Samina Mishra, film-maker
17.   Sitansu Sekhar, documentary film-maker and human rights activist
18.   Amar Kanwar, film-maker, Delhi
19.   Sanjay Joshi, film-maker, Gorakhpur
20.   Shikha Sen, documentary editor
21.   Taru Dalmia
22.   Professor Uma Chakravarty, historian and film-maker, Delhi
23.   Nilanjan Dutta, film-maker and human rights activist, Kolkata
24.   Professor Anand Chakravarty, social scientist, Delhi
25.   Pramod Gupta, documentary film-maker and human rights activist
26.   Shabnam Shaikh, National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM)
27.   Cinema of Resistance
28.   New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI)
29.   All-India Forum of Forest Movements (AIFFM)
30.   Uttar Bangla Ban-Jan Shromojeebi Mancho

जनगणना में अल्पसंख्यक

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-सुभाष गाताडे

लोकप्रिय स्तर पर लोगों के लिए इस हकीकत पर गौर करना या उसे जज्ब़ करना मुश्किल जान पड़ता है जब उन्हें बताया जाता है कि बहुसंख्यक मुस्लिम आबादी वाले इंडोनेशिया की प्रजननक्षमता (कुल प्रजनन क्षमता दर 2.6) की दर बहुसंख्यक हिन्दू आबादी वाले भारत की तुलना में (कुल प्रजनन क्षमता दर 3.2) कम है। दरअसल इंडोनेशिया में प्रजनन क्षमता में कमी को परिवार नियोजन पर कारगर अमल, जो मुल्क की स्वास्थ्यसेवाओं के साथ अभिन्न रूप से जुड़ी हैं, से जोड़ा जा सकता है। हाल के समयों में बांगलादेश में भी परिवार नियोजन के बढ़ते स्तर ने वहां की प्रजनन क्षमता को में काफी तेजी से कमी दिखाई दी।’’

(फेक्ट एण्ड फिक्शन आन हिन्दुत्व क्लेम्स, आर बी भगत, सितम्बर 25, 2004, इकोनोमिक एण्ड पोलिटिकल वीकली )

1.
Courtesy -hinduexistence.org
जनगणना के आंकड़े एक गतिशील समाज के तेजी से बदलते परिदृश्य को उदघाटित करते रहते हैं। आंकड़ों का यह समुच्चय नीतिनिर्धारकों को ही नहीं समाजविज्ञानियों, राजनीतिक विश्लेषकों या सामाजिक-राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताओं के लिए एक खजाने के तौर पर उपस्थित होता है, जिसका विश्लेषण करके वह अपनी समझदारी तय करते हैं या अपने हस्तक्षेप की रूपरेखा बनाते हैं। एक सौ बीस करोड़ से अधिक आबादी का भारतीय समाज - जहां दुनिया के लगभग सभी धर्मों के अनुयायी मिलते हैं - और जो अपने उपमहाद्वीपीय आकार के चलते ; भाषाई, सांस्कृतिक तथा अन्य विविधताओं के चलते दुनिया भर के जनसंख्याविदों के लिए कुतूहल एवं अध्ययन का विषय बनता है, ऐसा ही नज़ारा उपस्थित करता है।

यह अलग बात है आज जबकि दक्षिण एशिया के इस हिस्से में बहुसंख्यकवाद अर्थात मेजोरिटेरियानिजम का बोलबाला बढ़ा है और भारत के इस हिस्से के धर्मनिरपेक्ष एवं समावेशी जनतंत्रा के क्षरण की कोशिशें तेज हो चली हैं हम पा रहे हैं कि जनगणना के आंकड़ों के माध्यम से अपनी संकीर्ण राजनीति को ही हवा देने की कोशिशें तेज हो रही है, और उसके व्यापक निहितार्थों पर परदा डाले रखने के प्रयास चल रहे हैं। यह महज इत्तेफाक नहीं कि बिहार विधानसभा चुनावों के ऐन मौकों पर जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकड़ों को जारी किया गया है ताकि उसके आंशिक निष्कर्षों को सामने लाकर अल्पसंख्यकों की बढ़ती आबादीके नाम पर बहुसंख्यकों का ध्रुवीकरण किया जा सके और चूंकि 2001-2011के दरमियान हिन्दुओं की आबादी की तुलना में मुसलमानों की आबादी अधिक बढ़ने के आंकड़े सामने आए हैं, लिहाजा उसी को लेकर एक नए ध्रुवीकरण के फिराक में वह दिखती है। विडम्बना है कि जनगणना के जाति सम्बन्धी आंकड़ों पर अभी भी चुप्पी है, जिसकी लम्बे समय से मांग हो रही है।

और मीडिया जिसे लोकतंत्रा का प्रहरीकहा जाता है उसने भी - चन्द अपवादों को छोड़ दें तो - एक तरह से इसी सुर में सुर मिला लिया है। जनगणना 2011के धार्मिक आकड़ों  को जिस अन्दाज़ में भाषाई मीडिया ने और अंग्रेजी अख़बारों के एक हिस्से ने पेश किया है, वह शायद इसी बात की ताईद करता है। एक अग्रणी हिन्दी अख़बार की सूर्खियां थीं धर्म का सियासी डेटा चुनाव के पहले जनगणना के आंकडे, मुस्लिम आबादी सबसे तेज बढ़ी’ /नवभारत टाईम्स/, दूसरे अख़बार की हेडलाइन थी:बढ़ी मुस्लिम आबादी: सरकार ने जारी किए 2011जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकडे/जागरण/; ‘अमर उजालाका कहना था आबादी की रफतार: हिन्दुओं की धीमी, मुस्लिमों की तेज’ ; हालांकि राजस्थान पत्रिकाके गुजरात संस्करण जैसे चन्द अपवाद भी थे जिन्होंने आबादी में प्रमुख धर्मो के मौजूदा प्रतिशत को बताते हुए इस बात को रेखांकित किया कि मुस्लिमों की बढ़ोत्तरी दर पिछले दशक के मुकाबले घटीतो द टेलिग्राफकी रिपोर्ट थी सेन्सस नेल्स प्रमोटर्स आफ पैरोनेइयाअर्थात जनगणना के आंकड़ों ने फर्जी आतंक पैदा करनेवालों पर नकेल डाली

इस प्रष्ठभूमि में यह बेहद समीचीन होगा कि हम मसले की गहन समीक्षा करें। और जिसकी शुरूआत जनगणना को लेकर चन्द सामान्य सूचनाएं साझा करके की जा सकती है।

क्या कहते हैं जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकडें

जनगणना 2011के धार्मिक आंकड़ों के मुताबिक 92करोड़ 63लाख आबादी के साथ हिंदू देश का सबसे बड़ा धार्मिक समूह है(हिस्सेदारी 79.82)तो मुसलमानों की आबादी 17.22करोड़ (हिस्सेदारी 14.2फीसदी) है। अन्य समुदायों की आबादी इस प्रकार है: ईसाई 2.78करोड़(2.3फीसदी), सिख 2.08करोड़ (1.7फीसदी), बौद्ध 84लाख (0.7फीसदी), जैन 45लाख (0.4फीसदी) और अन्य 78लाख (0.7फीसदी)

गौरतलब है कि 2001के आंकड़ों की तुलना में हिन्दुओं की आबादी 0.7फीसदी घटी है तो मुसलमानों की 0.8फीसदी बढ़ी है, ईसाइयों एवं जैनियों की आबादी के अनुपात में कोई फर्क नहीं आया है ( 2.3फीसदी और 0.4फीसदी क्रमशः) जबकि सिखों की आबादी 1.9फीसदी से 1.7फीसदी तक हुई है और बौद्धों की आबादी भी 0.8फीसदी से 0.7फीसदी तक हुई हैं।

आंकड़ों पर सरसरी निगाह डालने से कुछ बातें स्पष्ट होती हैं

-सभी समुदायों में आबादी की बढ़ोत्तरी की दर में इस अन्तराल (2001-2011)के दरमियान कमी आयी है।

- यह चित्र भी उपस्थित होता हैकि भारत की धार्मिक विविधता अब सिमट रही है क्योंकि सबसे छोटे धार्मिक समूह, जिनमें सिख, बौद्ध, जैन आदि शामिल हैं, उनकी बढ़ोत्तरी की दर विगत दशक में न्यूनतम रही है। विगत तीन दशकों में पहली बार सिख और बौद्धों की बढ़ोत्तरी की दर 10फीसदी से कम देखी गयी है जबकि जैन लोगों की बढ़ोत्तरी दर 5फीसदी से भी कम है। हिन्दू अतिवादियों में चर्चित विमर्श के विपरीत आंकड़े यहीं बताते हैं कि अल्पसंख्यकों के देश में हावी होने की कोई सम्भावना नहीं दिखती जबकि आबादी का लगभग अस्सी फीसदी हिस्सा हिन्दुओं का ही है।

- यह बात रेखांकित करनेवाली है कि2001की तुलना में 2011की जनगणना में भारत के छह सबसे बड़े धार्मिक समुदायों में लिंगानुपात की स्थिति बेहतर हुई है, जिसमें सबसे बेहतर सुधार मुसलमानों में ( 936से 951तक) जबकि सबसे कम सुधार हिन्दुओं में (931से 939तक) दिखाई देता है

- विभिन्न धार्मिक समुदायों के लिंगानुपात मेंकाफी फरक दिखता है जिसमें सबसे खराब स्थिति सिखों की है जहां एक हजार पुरूषों की तुलना में महज 903महिलाएं हैं, जबकि ईसाइयों में यह आंकड़ा 1,023है, अब जहां तक हिन्दुओं की बात है उत्तरपूर्व के कई राज्यों  में यह आंकड़ा 900से कम है

- जहां असम के 27जिलों में से 9जिलों मेंअब मुस्लिम बहुसंख्या में है (जो आंकड़ा 2001में छह था) वहीं यह भी देखने में आ रहा है कि पंजाब, कर्नाटक, गोवा, पुदुच्चेरी, चंडीगढ, नागालैण्ड, दमन दीव एवं नगर हवेली जैसे इलाकों में हिन्दुओं की आबादी की बढ़ोत्तरी की दर राष्ट्रीयऔसत से ज्यादा है।

- सबसे दिलचस्प आंकड़ा उन लोगों के बारे में हैजिन्होंने  किसी धर्म के साथ अपने आप को जोड़ने से इन्कार किया है। इसमें नास्तिक हो सकते हैं, तर्कशील हो सकते हैं या किसी संगठित धर्म से दूरी रखनेवाले लोग शामिल हो सकते हैं। ऐसे लोगों की तादाद 29लाख है, जिसमें पुरूषों एवं महिलाओं की संख्या लगभग बराबर है। 2011की जनगणना में सम्भवत‘ ‘अनास्था अर्थात नानफेथसवा सौ करोड़ की आबादी में उनकी संख्या एक फीसदी की चैथाई से भी कम है। यह भी नोट करनेलायक है कि 2001की जनगणना की तुलना में 2011की जनगणना में ऐसे कहनेवालों की तादाद में 294फीसदी बढ़ोत्तरी देखी गयी है।

निश्चित ही इन आंकड़ों पर समूचे समाज में एक अच्छी खासी बहस खड़ी हो सकती हैं।

उदाहरण के तौर पर हिन्दुओं के लिए यह गहरे आत्मपरीक्षण का विषय हो सकता है कि लिंगानुपात को लेकर सबसे कम सुधार उन्हीं के यहां क्यों  दिखता है, या यह भी पूछा जा सकता है कि लिंगानुपात के मामले में ईसाई समुदाय का रेकार्ड बाकी समुदायों की तुलना में बेहतर क्यों है? पंजाब तथा चंडीगढ़ में सिखों की आबादी कम हो रही है और हिन्दुओं की बढ़ रही है, यह अवश्य पूछा जा सकता है कि क्या यह स्थिति उपरोक्त सूबे में नए तनाव का सबब बनेगी ?
जनसंख्या का अपना गतिविज्ञान आम लोगों के लिए यह कुतूहल का विषय हो सकता है मगर समाज वैज्ञानिकों में यह जानी हुई बात है कि आबादी के बढ़ोत्तरी का दर विभिन्न कारकों से प्रभावित होता है जैसे आर्थिक विकास का स्तर, साक्षरता का स्तर, स्वास्थ्य सेवाओं तक पहुंच और भौतिक सम्रद्धि के साथ यह दर भी स्थिर होती जाती है। वह हमें बता सकते हैं कि जनसंख्या बढ़ोत्तरी दर का धर्म से कोई सीधा रिश्ता नहीं होता यह हम दक्षिणी राज्यों में - खासकर केरल में मुसलमानों के बढ़ोत्तरी दर पर गौर करके देख सकते हैं - जो बिहार और उत्तर प्रदेश में हिन्दुओं की बढ़ोत्तरी दर से कम है।

समाज में उच्च साक्षरता दर किस तरह इन अल्पसंख्यक समुदायों में आबादी की बढ़ोत्तरी को प्रभावित करता है, यह हम जैन लोगों पर गौर करके देख सकते हैं, जो इस दशक में महज 5.4फीसदी की दर से बढ़े हैं। एक दशक पहले उनकी साक्षरता दर 90फीसदी से अधिक नोट की गयी थी।

जैसा कि हमारे सामने है संघ-भाजपा के चिन्तक विचारकों को न इन आंकड़ों का गहन विश्लेषण करना है और न ही इस मसले के बारे में कोई समझदारी बनानी है, उन्हें बस इन ताज़ा आंकड़ों का सियासी दोहन करना है, जिसमें वह पूरे जोशो खरोश के साथ जुट गए हैं, मगर वह शायद भूल रहे हैं कि सच्चाई की जो ताकत है वह उन्हें आज नहीं तो कल बचावात्मक पैंतरा अख्तियार करने के लिए मजबूर करेगी। एक मोटी बात ही बता दें कि 2011के आंकड़ों की चर्चा करते हुए मुसलमानों की बढ़ती आबादी के खौफ को दिखा रहे लोग इस बात की चर्चा करना जरूरी नहीं समझते कि चाहे हिन्दू हों या मुसलमान हों उनकी आबादी की बढ़ोत्तरी की दर में कैसे बदलाव आ रहे हैं। नीचे दिए गए टेबिल में भारत के इन दोनों प्रमुख समुदायों में तीन दशक में  जनसंख्या बढ़ोत्तरी की दर कैसे घटी है, इसे स्पष्ट किया गया है।
           
वर्ष
हिन्दू
मुसलमान

1981-1991
22.8फीसदी 
32.9फीसदी

1991-2001
20.0फीसदी 
29.3फीसदी

2001-2011
16.8फीसदी 
24.6फीसदी


अंकगणित की साधारण जानकारी रखनेवाला बता सकता है कि जहां मुसलमानों में बढ़ोत्तरी दर में 4.8फीसदी कमी दिखती है, वहीं हिन्दुओं में यह महज 3.2फीसदी है, और इसी किस्म की सच्चाई हम इसके पहले के आंकड़ों पर भी गौर करके यही पा सकते हैं।

2

निश्चित ही यह पहली दफा नहीं है जब अल्पसंख्यकों की आबादी के विस्फोटके नाम पर समाज में नकली डर पैदा किया जा रहा है। इतिहास के पन्नों को पलटें तो इस बात को बार बार देखा जा सकता है।

बहुत कम लोगों को याद होगा कि बीसवीं सदी की शुरूआत में किन्हीं जनाब यू एन मुखर्जी द्वारा लिखित एक किताब आयी थी हिन्दू: ए डाईंग रेस अर्थात एक मरणासन्न कौम। यह वहीं मुखर्जी थे जिन्होंने बाद में पंजाब हिन्दू महासभा का गठन भी किया। यह किताब इस मामले में क्लासिक कही जा सकती है कि उसने बाद की तमाम किताबों को प्रभावित किया, जिनकी रचना हिन्दू महासभा ने की थी। मोहन राव हिमालपत्रिका के अपने उपरोल्लेखित आलेख में बताते हैं कि इस किताब की उन दिनों जबरदस्त मांग रही, जिसे कई बार पुनमुद्रित करना पड़ा, जिसने हिन्दू साम्प्रदायिकता को निर्मित करने में एवं मजबूती देने में अहम भूमिका निभायी। इस किताब का उच्च जाति के हिन्दू सम्प्रदायवादियों पर विशेष प्रभाव था जो मुसलमानों एवं दलितों से उठ रही अलग प्रतिनिधित्व की मांग के बरअक्स एक एकाश्म/मोनोलिथिक हिन्दू समुदाय को गढ़ना चाह रहे थे। मुसलमानों को लेकर अनापशनाप बातों को उछालने से विविध जातियों में बंटे हिन्दूओं को - जिनमें से कइयों के आपस में दुश्मनाना सम्बन्ध थे - एक मंच पर लाना आसान था।

अल्पसंख्यकों की आबादी का डर दिखा कर हिन्दुओं को अधिक बच्चे पैदा करने चाहिए ऐसी सलाह हम आए दिन सुनते रहते हैं। जनसंख्या सन्तुलन के अल्पसंख्यकों के दिशा में मुड़नेकी बात और हिन्दुओं को परिवार नियोजन पद्धतियों का अंधानुकरणकरने के बजाय उसके बारे में पुनर्विचार करने की बात संघ के अग्रणियों की तरफ से भी अक्सर की जाती है। उदाहरण के तौर पर विश्व हिन्दू परिषद के अध्यक्ष अशोक सिंघल ने दस साल पहले हिन्दुओं को परिवार नियोजन त्यागने की सलाह दी थी ताकि उनकी आबादी कम न हो।उनके मुताबिक मुसलमानेां की आबादी इस कदर तेजी से बढ़ रही है कि आनेवाले पचास सालों में वह कुल आबादी का 25-30फीसदी होगी। अगर हिन्दुओं ने इस दिशा में सचेत प्रयास नहीं किए तो यह उनके लिए आत्मघाती होगा।

प्रधानमंत्री  नरेन्द्र मोदी, जो खुद संघ प्रचारक रहे हैं, उन्होंने सूबा गुजरात का मुख्यमंमंत्री  होने के दौरान जनसंख्या को लेकर इस भ्रांति को खूब हवा दी थी और चुनावी मैदान में उसका उन्हें फायदा भी मिला था। इतिहास गवाह है कि एक तरफ उन्होंने जहां शरणार्थी शिविरों में रहने को मजबूर पीडि़त मुस्लिम समुदाय को मज़ाक उड़ाया था कि किस तरह उसने इन शिविरों को बच्चा पैदा करने की फैक्टरियोंमें तब्दील किया है वहीं साथ ही साथ उनके खिलाफ उन्माद पैदा करने के लिए हम दो हमारे दो ; वह पांच, उनके पचीसजैसे भडकाउ नारे भी दिए थे।

अपने एक आलेख में जनसंख्या विशेषज्ञ मोहन राव (मर्डरस आइडेंटीटीज एण्ड पापुलेशन पेरोनोइया, हिमाल, सितम्बर 2008) इस जूनूनी किस्म के नारे का विश्लेषण करते लिखा था: 

‘‘अन्य तमाम बातों के अलावा इसके जरिए यही कहा जा रहा है कि सिविल कानून के तहत जबकि  हिन्दू एक से अधिक शादी नहीं कर सकते हैं जबकि मुस्लिम चार शादी कर सकते हैं। यह इस बात को उजागर नहीं करता कि आंकडे यही बताते हैं कि गैरकानूनी दो शादियां या कई शादियों का प्रचलन मुसलमानों की तुलना में हिन्दुओं में ज्यादा है। उदाहरण के तौर पर, उपलब्ध आंकडों के मुताबिक जिसे बहुपत्नीक शादी कहा जा सकता है उसका प्रतिशत हिन्दुओं में 5.8है जबकि मुसलमानों में 5.73है।..इसमें इस बात की भी अनदेखी की जाती है कि हिन्दुओं की तरह मुसलमान भी मोनोलिथ,समरूप समुदाय नहीं हैं, उनमें भी तरह तरह की विभिन्नताएं हैं। केरल और तमिलनाडु के मुसलमान या यूं कहें कि दक्षिण भारत के मुसलमानों के परिवारों की सदस्य संख्या उत्तर भारत के बिहार एवं उत्तर प्रदेश जैसे राज्यों के हिन्दु परिवारों के सदस्य संख्या की तुलना में कम पायी जाती है। स्पष्ट है कि इसमें धर्म की कोई भूमिका नहीं है।

मोदी के सत्तारोहण के बाद साक्षी महाराज से लेकर साध्वी प्राची तक हिन्दु राष्ट के नए-पुराने संग्रामियोंकी तरफ से इसे अधिक उत्तेजक अन्दाज में रखा जा रहा है। कुछ समय पहले जब यह शोर अधिक हुआ था - और जब जनगणना के धार्मिक आंकड़े आधिकारिक तौर पर सामने नहीं आए थे - तब देश के एक अग्रणी अख़बार (डीएनए) ने इस मसले पर तमाम विशेषज्ञों से बात की थी।

जनसंख्या विज्ञान की अंतर्राष्ट्रीय इन्स्टिटयूट के प्रोफेसर अरोकियास्वामी के मुताबिक मुसलमानों में प्रजनन क्षमता की अधिक दर को हम उनके धार्मिक विश्वासों तक सीमित नहीं कर सकते , इस सन्दर्भ में सामाजिक आर्थिक परिस्थितियों की भी भूमिका होती है, अधिकतर मुस्लिम महिलाओं के लिए गर्भनिरोधक साधन सुलभ नहीं होते, जैसे कि वह अन्य समुदायों की वंचित महिलाओं के लिए सुगम नहीं होते। केरल एवं जम्मू कश्मीर के मुसलमानों की वृद्धि दर का उल्लेख करते हुए उन्होंने यह भी बताया कि किस तरह वह हिन्दु समुदाय की औसत वृद्धि दर से कम है जिसे हम उनकी बेहतर शिक्षा एवं बेहतर सामाजिक आर्थिक स्थिति से जोड़ सकते हैं और उन्हीं कारणों से यू पी एवं बिहार जैसे कम विकसित राज्यों में हिन्दुओं की प्रजनन क्षमता अन्यों की तुलना में अधिक है।

टाटा इन्स्टिटयूट आफ सोशल साइंसेस के प्रोफेसर अब्दुल शबान के मुताबिक 2001की जनगणना की रिपोर्ट को देखें तो आप पाएंगे कि मुसलमानों की वृद्धि दर में कमी बहुसंख्यक समुदायों से अधिक तेज है। ‘‘अध्ययनों और सांख्यिकी के आंकड़ों ने इस बात को प्रमाणित किया है जनसंख्या विज्ञान धर्म से तटस्थ होता है, जबकि संकीर्णमना ताकतें उसे अपने पक्ष में करने की कोशिश में रहती हैं।’’

संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ के पापुलेशन फण्ड के वरिष्ठ अधिकारी ने एक अलग पहलू को रेखांकित किया था: धर्म से परे ग्रामीण, जनजातीय और गरीब परिवारों में हमेशा ही जनसंख्या वृद्धि दर अधिक होती है और सभी समुदायों के सम्पन्नों की कम सन्तानें होती हैं।’’

वैसे अगर हम यहुदी, ईसाई, इस्लामिक या सिंहाला मूलवादी/बुनियादपरस्त जनसंख्या विमर्शों को देखें तो उनमें भी हिन्दुत्व के जनसंख्या विमर्श के तत्व मिल सकते हैं। हिन्दुत्व के विचारकों की ही तर्ज पर इस्लामिक बुनियादपरस्त ताकतें भी परिवार नियोजन का विरोध करती हैं, जिनका यह कहना होता है कि मुस्लिम दुनिया को कुन्द करने की यह यहुदियों-ईसाइयों की चाल है। मिस्त्रा का मुस्लिम ब्रदरहुड जैसा संगठन गर्भनिरोधक साधनों का विरोध करता है क्योंकि उसका मानना है कि इससे अनियंत्रित स्त्री  यौनिकताको बढ़ावा मिलेगा जो इस्लामिक समाज के नैतिक ताने बाने को कमजोर कर देगा।




India Census 2011: Where are the Atheists?

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- Subhash Gatade

The consternation witnessed around release of religious figures in Census 2011 has rather overshadowed an interesting fact which has emerged through this mammoth exercise. It tells us that India has 2.87 million people who have no faith in any religion, which is around 0.24 per cent of our population. Definitely it includes not only atheists, rationalists but all those people who do not believe in any faith but some ‘unknown’ force.

Definitely it is a welcome development that the state has finally acknowledged their existence and what Dravid Kazhagam leader K Veeramani said ‘recorded their voice for the first time in the census’. but a cursory glance at earlier surveys and studies makes it amply clear that the figures are on the lower end.

Take the case of a survey done by the Times of India people with TNS, a leading market research agency to know ‘how Indians view God and their faith’.(10 city TOI-TNS poll, TOI, 26th Nov 2006) It was done across ten cities – Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai, Bangalore, Hyderabad, Ahmedabad, Patna, Lucknow and Nagpur- with 1,007 respondents, and which was restricted to people falling in socio-economic categories A,B and C.

According to the survey three fourths of Indians were strong believers; 72 per cent of those in their twenties strongly believe in god ; mere 11 per cent of respondents saw god as explicitly male ; number of people who said they are more religious today than they used to be was considerably larger than those who felt they had become less religious. The survey also brought to the fore the unwritten divide existing between the south and the north. While according to the survey 92 % of the respondents in the north had expressed their belief in God, the figure slipped to 86% in South. The scepticism of the south was also evident in things like belief in spiritual gurus or on questions less directly connected to religiosity.

Or, refer to the ‘Global Index of Religiosity and Atheism’ (More Indians have stopped believing in God: Survey, Kounteya Sinha,TNN | May 27, 2013) which found that ‘the number of non-religious people in India has risen.’ While in the same survey in 2005, 87% participants declared themselves to be religious, the percentage fell to 81 % in 2013, a drop by 6 % in seven years. Interestingly the survey found 1% dip in the number of people calling themselves as an atheist. If 4% people declared themselves to be atheist in 2005, in 2012, it had dipped to 3%.

They also found that the trend is similar globally, while religiosity has dropped by 9 %, atheism has risen by 3 % and they witnessed a ‘notable decline across the globe in self-description of being religious.’ If one goes into the details one discovers that they talked to 51,297 persons from 57 countries in five continents. And in each country they interviewed around 1,000 men and women.

Interestingly a writeup in a leading newspaper ( In God We Don’t Believe, The Telegraph, January 11, 2015) talked about emergence of a ‘silently unfolding counter-movement’ and ‘Atheism gathering followers among Indian youth’. It also said:
"A random dipstick survey of the metros shows that nearly 30 per cent of the people do not believe in God. Of them, 17 per cent are avowed atheists. Among those who do believe in the existence of God, nearly half approach God as an indefinable superpower rather than a religious concept."
Acknowledging the fact that the above mentioned surveys have used a small sample, and have been randomly picked to convey a point it is difficult to comprehend that India which has a long history of atheism and agnosticism and Indian religions like Buddhism, Jainism and some schools of Hinduism consider atheism to be acceptable and India having produced many atheist politicians and social reformers, the no of people under ‘nonfaith category’ is so less. Another important factor which we should bear in mind relates to the trajectory of modern secular democracies where one discovers that people are turning away from religion. E.g. In Netherlands the figure is 40 per cent whereas in Check republic more than 60 per cent people have expressed no commitment towards any religion etc.

The only possible reason behind the meagre number of people under ‘non faith category’ seems to be absence of clarity in the census form itself which had resulted in the lumping together of minor or tribal religions as well as atheists and agnostics in an unclassifiable category of ‘Others’. One can recall how many atheists and agnostics had expressed their dissent then over the fact that question 7 in the 2011 census form had asked respondents to disclose their religion and if it fell in the list of six major religions, a corresponding code was given. They had found it to be ‘closed question which compelled a religious response.’ Although the concerned ministry had instructed enumerators to record ‘no religion’ for such respondents, yet ‘technically, only the coded answers in the Indian census form were tabulated as classifiable data.’ (TOI report click here)

The small number of people under ‘non faith’ category because of the ambiguity maintained by the state here reminds one of a campaign undertaken by secular groups in Britain in the year 2011 to urge members of the public who are not religious to say so explicitly in the national census. They had felt that the question on the 2001 census form ‘What is your religion?’ was a closed question (which was repeated in the 2011 census as well) which compeled people to give a religious response which had resulted in 72% of people being classed as Christians – a figure which was much higher than other surveys. The British Humanist Association (BHA) had then even unveiled a series of posters on buses and billboards across the country which had used the slogan “Not religious? In this year’s census, say so”.

Perhaps as we contemplate on the issue there is an urgent need to look at similar experiences elsewhere and strategise accordingly so that in the forthcoming census in 2021 at least atheists can be easily marked out and we get the actual figures and are not condemned to the ‘others’ category.



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Subhash Gatade is a New Socialist Initiative (NSI) activist. He is also the author of 'Godse's Children: Hindutva Terror in India' ; 'The Saffron Condition: The Politics of Repression and Exclusion in Neoliberal India' and 'The Ambedkar Question in 20th Century' (in Hindi).
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